De mänskliga rättigheterna brister i sin universalism. Många människor som lever i demokratier nekas grundläggande rättigheter därför att de inte är medborgare i den stat där de bor. Anledningen till detta är att nationalstater, som har ansvar för att de mänskliga rättigheterna efterföljs, traditionellt endast anses ha ansvar för sina medborgare. Uppsatsen utreder och synliggör motsättningen mellan mänskliga rättigheters inkluderande och medborgerliga rättigheters exkluderande natur samt vilka konsekvenser detta får för icke-medborgare.Tre teorier om postnationellt medborgarskap presenteras och genom en mer utförlig diskussion av dessa idéer försöker vi i en konstruktiv ansats utforma en mer inkluderande medborgarskapsmodell i två nivåer; den globala och den nationella. I denna modell utgör de mänskliga rättigheterna en juridisk grund för ett medborgarskap för de människor som saknar det nationella.

This is an examination of how interdependence affects the behaviour of politicians and their ability to govern the way they want to. I analyze the memoirs of two Swedish prime ministers, Tage Erlander and Ingvar Carlsson to explore their experiences. I focus on how the increasing interdependence affects the politicians with regards to security, welfare, and financial policies. Sweden had a special position between Soviet and NATO during the cold war. This meant Sweden gave priority to it's neutrality policy during the cold war, compared to increased trade cooperation.

In this thesis, I discuss the impact Swedish national culture may have on Swedish diplomats. This is a qualitative study and I have used theories from studies of international negotiations to compare the oppositional results of those scientists with my interview material. With the help of my interview material from seven Swedish diplomats and five foreign diplomats I have compared their perceptions of Swedish culture, Swedish diplomats and their thoughts about the existence of an international diplomatic culture with well known sceientists of international negotiations. My main question is whether there is an international diplomatic subculture, without any national impact, or not. The mission is to base the thesis with earlier science and then compare and contrast with my interview material.

Which general outlines are preferable in the relation between organizations and government? From normative theory and method I throw light upon this question by defining and comparing two different democratic standpoints. The substantial democratic standpoint focuses on political effectiveness and the procedural democratic standpoint focuses on equal representation. The normative discussion aims at comparing how well the different standpoints function in political praxis. Since the ambition is to discuss concrete praxis I have also chosen to analyse an extensive case of interest influence in Swedish politics empirically.

Samuel P. Huntingtons bok The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order har ända sedan utgivningen 1996 varit föremål för en stor debatt inom flera akademiska fält. I samband med attackerna mot World Trade Center i september 2001 och USA:s krig mot Irak som inleddes på våren 2003 pånyttföddes intresset för Huntingtons bok.Jag har utifrån en diskursteoretisk utgångspunkt jämfört Huntingtons bok med Bushadministrationens uttalanden i samband med krigsutbrottet med syftet att undersöka vilka likheter som finns dem emellan samt vad dessa likheter kan ha inneburit för västerländska och muslimska identiteter. Mina resultat visar att de skiljer sig åt i sina respektive identitetskonstruktioner, där Huntington strikt fokuserar på religionens roll medan Bush skapar en västerländsk identitet kring begreppet frihet och en motidentitet kring begreppet terror, men att de har en gemensam nämnare i deras fiendebilder, där grova generaliseringar präglar deras framställningar..

In this thesis I have used post-colonial theory to analyze the Uyghurs, a Muslim minority group located in Xinjiang province in the Northwest of China, and their identity shaping process in relation to the dominating Han Chinese. I have analyzed the possibilities to use the power perspectives in post-colonial theory, especially Edward Said's Orientalism and the creation of the Other in a new context, where the main focus is on the Uyghurs through the eyes of Han Chinese. I have argued that Han Chinese, with colonial tendencies, have created two generalizing pictures of the Uyghurs; one romantic picture to use as an exotic tourist attraction and one threatening picture that portray Uyghurs as Islamic terrorists to win support in international politics. The thesis is a qualitative single case study with the aim of gaining a deeper understanding for the Uyghurs as well as examine possibilities of widening the analyze areas for post-colonialism. My conclusion is that the power perspectives in post-colonial theory are usable implements also for non-western contexts and in this case function as a way to understand the identity shaping process for the Uyghurs and their relation to Han Chinese..

In this thesis I analyse civilizations in South America. I construct civilizationalnarratives through the method of emplotment, to build a historic continuity, whichI subsequently connect to the theoretical framework. The theory emphasise that,when confronted with globalization and free market capitalism, civilizationsembark on different strategies to challenge the power of transnational marketforces. I find that South America is a polarised continent, and is divergingconcerning the relationship towards the USA and free trade agreements. On thesame time the issues that concern the social movements are not being reproducedin a significant matter at state level.

Under mer än 800 år har en bitter konflikt utkämpats mellan främst Irland och Storbritannien. De senaste 50 åren har denna konflikt primärt handlat om Nordirlands varande eller icke varande i unionen med Storbritannien. Den komplexa historien till trots kunde ett avtal tecknas mellan de inblandade parterna 1998. Denna uppsats fokuserar främst på USA som inbegrips i konflikten i början på 90-talet, först som 3: e part och senare som medlare. Frågan författarna ställer sig lyder: Hur såg USA: s agerande som tredje part i förhandlingarna ut, hur påverkade detta agerande desamma, och hur kan detta förklaras med hjälp av teorier kring medling och konfliktlösning? Uppsatsens slutsatser dras utifrån den fallstudie som genomförs med hjälp av medlings- och konfliktlösningsteoretiska ramverk.

Urban planning is not only a matter of architectural trends; it is first and foremost political. This thesis seeks to understand the links between political ideas and visions for the city and the physical structure of the city. The study aims to construct a model to help understand these links, a helpful tool in analysing a city, focusing on the one hand at the physical structure of what I call "The City as a Welfare Provider" and on the other hand at "The City as a Growth Engine". It also sets out to test this model in an empirical study of Stockholm and the soon-to-be built district of Norra Station in the same city.The analysis shows that Stockholm has ambitions to be a welfare provider to its citizens, but have also adopted to a discourse of interurban competition which stresses the importance for the city to enhance economical growth. What is interesting is that the physical structures promoted in the planning documents of Stockholm are nearly exclusively those associated with the model of "The City as a Growth Engine"..

Since the end of the Cold War, foreign aid donors have been using political conditionality to promote human rights, democracy and good governance in recipient countries. This phenomenon has been analyzed and criticized, but mainly from a strictly empirical point of view. In this paper, the legitimacy of political conditionality is analyzed through a normative perspective based on the extrinsic value of efficiency. If the political conditions don?t result in a democratic development, including respect of human rights and good governance, they can not be justified.With at theoretical focus on the donors, based on the unequal relationship between donor and recipient, I am examining the donors? possibility and supposed will to use political conditions in development cooperation.

1945 bildades FN i kölvattnet av andra världskriget enligt principen att ingripa i mellanstatliga krig eller om den internationella säkerheten hotades. Sedan dess har konflikter fått mer komplicerad karaktär och krigföring ändrat skepnad. På så sätt är FN inte anpassat till dagens konflikter eftersom organisationens konflikthantering i grunden bygger på att konflikter är mellanstatliga. Den uppfattningen överensstämmer med realismens perspektiv där stater ses som den viktigaste aktören ? det vill säga att statens suveränitet inte får kränkas.

In today's society social movement are dependent on media as a channel to com-municate their political message and their discourse. Media is an arena for dis-courses but at the same time, along with Attac, one of the actors who struggle to be part of the dominant discourse of the society. This struggle is uneven due to media and the relationship is to some content hegemonic.Attac Sweden was constituted in January 2001 and got an enormous amount of attention in media. But after the riots during the Göteborg European Council in June 2001, that Attac was partly blamed for, the attention in media has faded out. This paper shows that the images of Attac in media hasn?t been favouring the movement, especially during and after the meeting in Gothenburg.

I denna studie undersöks hur TP (Tetra Pak) genom högre grad av legitimitet kan förbättra sitt miljöarbete. För detta ändamål har TP:s miljöarbete undersökts både ur ett internt och externt perspektiv men även ur ett uppifrån och ner-perspektiv. Legitimitet och nyinsitutionalism har använts som teoretiska verktyg i uppsatsen. Vår analys är en fallstudie över TP:s miljöarbete. De slutsatser vi har kommit fram till baseras på de resultat som erhållits genom både interna och externa intervjuer.

This thesis examines the ongoing European political debate on the links between livestock production and climate change. In the end of 2006 the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) released their report Livestock?s long shadow, showing that livestock production represents some 18 % of the total global greenhouse gas emissions. The purpose of this paper is to explore the European Commission?s position and response to this question since the release of the report.Using Arne Naess? argumentation analysis, statements made by the Commission will be systematically organized and broken apart.

In this thesis, the introduction of smoke-free restaurants and bars in several EU Member States in a policy convergence perspective is studied. The thesis sets out to explain whether policy convergence has occurred and the possible explanations connected with it. It is stated that 15 out of 25 EU Member States had introduced or decided to introduce smoke-free restaurants and bars up to April, 2006. Out of all the countries in the world, 35, including the EU Member States, had introduced or decided to introduce smoke-free restaurants and bars. The result is analysed by using policy convergence theory and by putting the case in a global environment where tobacco control has become an ever more central theme for public health policy.The EU Member States are different in several ways considered to be important factors for policy convergence, such as cultural, institutional and socio-economic similarities, and the conclusion is made that EU membership has been a most crucial factor for the rapidity of the policy diffusion.