Bakgrund: I dagens näringsliv där nationella och internationella företagsförvärv tillhörvardagen har due diligence-analysens relevans ökat tillsammans med antaletundersökningsmoment. Företagens ansvar vad gäller samhällsansvar och korruptionsfrågordebatteras ständigt i samhälle och media vilket bidragit till att CSR-due diligence och thirdparty-due diligence uppkommit som nya granskningsmoment vid företagsförvärv. Utöverdessa har M&A-försäkringar uppstått som en reaktion på förvärvens allt komplexareriskanalyser och garantiklausuler.Syfte och forskningsfrågor: Syftet med studien är att beskriva hur due diligence-trendersprids och undersöka i vilken utsträckning trenderna CSR- och third party-due diligence samtM&A-försäkringar praktiseras av svenska förvärvsaktörer. För att uppnå syftet kommerföljande forskningsfrågor att undersökas och besvaras: Vilken genomslagskraft har deidentifierade trenderna uppnått enligt aktörer på den svenska förvärvsmarknaden? Vilkafaktorer och aktörer är mest bidragande till spridning av nya due diligence-trender?Avgränsningar: Uppsatsen undersöker den svenska förvärvsmarknaden med fokus påspridning och användning av tre utvalda due diligence-trender.

Since criminality started to rise steeply in most western welfare states following the second world war the relationship between welfare support and criminality has been debated. For a period of time thought to be an effective preventive measure against crime welfare support has since from time to time come to be seen by some as ineffective and in some cases even as a contributing factor to the rise in crime. It remains a contested issue as new theories, such as social support theory, which is employed here, attempt to contribute to the understanding of what effects general welfare has on overall crime levels. As a connection which is relatively well-researched in the USA, altough still not yet fully understood, this study strives toward a better understanding by testing the relationship in a swedish context. The relationship might not function in the same way considering that the US is a fundamentally different welfare-regime than Sweden, liberal and social-democratic respectively.Untangling the relationship is attempted by employing a multivariate regressionanalysis on a crosssectional dataset consisting of data from 2012 covering 247 of Swedens total of 290 municipalities.

The following essay studies the change in the use of terminology pertaining to socioeconomic categorising in public political material, and how this relates to ideological changes in politics. The aim is to determine which expressions government commission reports have used after the Second World War to classify citizens in social and economic groups, and subsequently, to link the understanding of these terms to the development of Swedish welfare politics. Welfare politics in Sweden have experienced a transition in a liberal and economistic direction that is reflected in the commission reports? choices of words and phrases ? thus studying the altering terminology can increase understanding of the ideological change. My methodology is grounded in ideology critique where I examine how dominant ideology is reproduced in public political documents.

Den kapitalistiska organiseringen av ekonomin och det liberaldemokratiska representativa styrelseskicket har de senaste årtiondena blivit så cementerade och ?objektifierade? att denna ideologiska konstruktion i många avseenden inte längre betraktas som en produkt av det mänskliga medvetandet utan presenteras mer eller mindre som en naturgiven totalitet. Trossatsen att mänskligheten inte längre kan hoppas på något bättre än det liberal-kapitalistiska institutionella arrangemanget ? med det individuella ekonomiska subjektets fria förfogande över privategendomen, fri konkurrens, ekonomisk tillväxt, fri kapitalrörelser samt ett indirekt och representativt styrelseskick ? har blivit ett vedertaget sakförhållande inom den offentliga diskussionen. I det föreliggande arbetet utgår vi ifrån uppfattningen att den liberal-kapitalistiska världsbilden, liksom alla andra världsbilder, är en kognitiv konstruktion.Vårt syfte är att, med avstamp i Thomas Kuhns paradigmteori, försöka dekonstruera denna världsbild för att förhoppningsvis kunna skönja den historiska och samhälleliga bakgrunden till det rådande paradigmet, samt att synliggöra hur det ideologiskt orienterade liberala samfundet genom olika mekanismer och modifieringar försökt försvara och bevara denna världsbilds legitimitet och parametrar.

On the 11th of march 2006, the journal Landskrona Posten began an article series with the ambition to review the juvenile gangs in the city of Landskrona. The articles received heavy response from the readers. About six months later Landskrona was the centre of attention in the Swedish media. 22,3 percent of the city's population had voted for the nationalist party ?Sverigedemokraterna? in the municipal election.

University of VäxjöSchool of Social SciencesBachelor Thesis in Political ScienceTitle: ?Sverigedemokraternas valframgångar 2006 ? En ulv i fårakläder??Author: Emma Haraldsson and Åsa NeuschützTutor: Emil UddhammarThe aim of this study is to explain Sverigedemokraterna?s electoral success in 2006 and the essay assumes that some form of change has occurred. To study this change two hypotheses have been constructed. The first hypothesis concerns the change within Sverigedemokraterna and the second hypothesis concerns the change of the Swedish voters attitudes.Kirchheimers catch-all theory is used to explain the change in Sverigedemokraterna. The catch-all theory states that parties have to change their structure to maximise the number of votes.

This essay is about the Swedish Royal Foundations and especially the culture foundations. The Swedish Royal Foundations in culture are four. I?ve also made a short background about Royal engagement through foundations in history. I?ve given examples on what Royals in Sweden have done in the past and what they do today.

This essay examines the Swedish party Miljöpartiet de Gröna and their election campaign 2006. Focus is set on the local organisations in the region of Skåne by examining how they have carried through their campaigns as well as if they have experienced any obstacles in their campaign work. The primary research aim is to give a theoretical contribution as well as an increased knowledge of the local organisations work in the election campaign.Mainly this is a qualitative examination that revolves around the experiences of the organisation members. The material has been collected by interviews and a question survey. For analyse a concept device that correspond with campaign work- and election theory through a partly rational point of view has been constructed.

AimThe purpose of this dissertation is to find out what discrimination of salary means and if the legislation that exists in Sweden, regarding same salary for the same or similar work, effects sports and if the way that the sportindustry divide salaries are acceptable. The purpose is also to find out if discrimination of salary exist within swedish handball and if this is a reason why swedish ladies handball is not professional. The framing of questions that have been processed is:1. Does discrimination of salary occur in swedish handball?2.

Uppsatsen behandlar third party ownership (TPO) inom den professionella fotbollen da?r fokus fra?mst ligger pa? den europeiska toppfotbollen. Vidare tas fotbollens autonoma sta?llning till samha?llets o?vriga grenar upp och belyses. Syftet med uppsatsen a?r till stor del att belysa en problematik som den traditionella juristka?ren inte anammat.

Based on the concept of rhetorical situation, the purpose of this study is to compare and describe the three Socialist leader's May Day speech from the years 1954, 1978 and 2011. The results of the analysis showed that there is a big difference in how the leaders chooses to appeal to the rhetorical audience. Erlander, 1954, never appealed directly to his audience which Palme, 1978, did both initially as repeatedly throughout his speech. Juholt, 2011, has a personal and frequent appeal which is repeated throughout his speech, which is interpreted as a sign of the intimization of the public language. It proved difficult to discuss the Socialist rhetoric as one unified form.

1998 beslutade Nässjö kommun att ett minnesmonument skulle uppföras lagom till millenieskiftet. En av de drivande personerna till idén var Jan Holmquist som vid tidpunkten var Kultur- och fritidschef för kommunen. Monumentet skulle göras av "den bäste" varpå Carl Fredrik Reuterswärd fick förfrågan.Skulpturen gestaltar Nässjö stad med hjälp av ett minne, historien om stadens uppbyggnad med järnvägen som en central del. Tåg som rörde sig framåt med hjälp av hårt arbete och kol inspirerade konstnären. Skisserna till verket spelar stor roll för att kunna förstå konstnärens intention med Kolskyffeln.

During the later half of the 20th century standard form contracts began to be used more frequently in contract situations. This trend has been consistent and in today?s world numerous commercial parties employ such contracts in their business transactions. The reasons for the extended use of standard form contracts are the benefits that can be obtained for the parties such as time efficiency, effectiveness and price advantages. Standardised contracts often regulate certain issues of the contract for example the way of delivery, remedies and complaints.

This paper examines constructions of identities in Swedish news paper articles concerning the European Unions?s Tobacco Products Directive. Using critical discourse analysis (CDA) supported by theories of discourse, semiotics and identity formation, this paper argues that constructions of a Swedish ?Us? are distinguished from a non-Swedish ?Them?. These constructions depends on categories such as use of tobacco, science, history and war, which are frequently used in the discourse to separate ?Us?, ?the good? from ?Them?, ?the bad?.

Earlier this year the Swedish migration board gave a part of their responsibility for the separated children to those municipalities that have signed an agreement with them, so that the children can get the best handling of their matters and also to lift the heavy pressure of the Swedish migration board. Our aim in this paper is to see how this division is made and which areas of responsibility they have. We want to see how this process is being handled in relation to these children?s rights, the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Swedish law. To get the best information possible we used a qualitative method.