Vi har i denna heuristiska fallstudie utgått från hypotesen att företag under vissa omständigheter har stora möjligheter att påverka stater genom en central beslutsfattare. Vi har utifrån denna hypotes valt att analysera beslutsprocessen i USA som föranledde Irakkriget. Vår ställda frågeställning är: På vilket sätt påverkade företag USA: s beslut att attackera Irak. När vi svarar på denna frågeställning visar vi genom att använda oss av Graham Allisons teori Governmental Politics hur företaget Halliburton genom Vicepresident Dick Cheney påverkat USA: s beslut att invadera Irak. Genom detta försvarar vi tankarna att företag är viktiga aktörer inom utrikespolitisk analys och att man för att tillfredsställande kunna analysera ämnet måste komma ner på individnivå.

I dagens informationssamhälle är Internet och användande av hemsidor för att sprida information vanligt förekommande. Den senaste tiden har politikens fokus riktats mot en mer deliberativ inställning, detta på bekostnad av den traditionella konkurrensdemokratin. Detta är en komparativ analys med syfte att kartlägga svenska och amerikanska partiers hemsidor utifrån demokratiteoriaspekten. Metoden som används är kvalitativ innehållsanalys, där författarna utgår från två konstruerade idealtyper, baserade på deliberativ- och elitdemokratiteori. Partierna vars hemsidor analyseras är Demokraterna, Republikanerna, Moderaterna och Socialdemokraterna.

This paper aims at describing and explaining the bi-and multilateral negotiations that are, and have been, taking place between Sweden's chief negotiator Allan Larsson and European countries, and within the EU institutions in Brussels, in order to seek support for the Swedish offer to host the European Spallation Source, ESS. It applies a case study method using political science theories ? governance and government ? and to a large extent information from the involved actors in the policy process. The paper also presents a constructive position, in showing how the negotiations on ESS can turn into a process leading to a decision on the construction of this research facility. ESS is negotiated in networks on bi- and multilateral levels consisting of European research representatives and financiers.

How is the identity of Swedish diplomats affected by living a very international life, regularly moving from one place to another, while their main task is to represent Sweden at all times? How does the national identity relate to the professional and the international identity and what role does the context play in this process? These are the questions asked in this thesis. By interviewing 39 Swedish diplomats and by comparing the responses of the interviews and the theories applied, this thesis will show that it is the context, rather than the time spent abroad that changes their identities and not the least their perspectives of the world. The theories concern intersectional identities, nationalism, context and globalisation. It is from the point of view that identities are constructed and therefore changeable.The diplomats gain a greater awareness of their Swedish identity, wider and deeper perspectives of what it means to be Swedish, but also the advantages that other cultures have to offer.

Uppsatsen ställer frågan om Malmös stadsdelar Husie och Hyllie, har lyckats eller inte lyckats med de projekt som införts för att skapa en mer lokalt förankrad demokrati. Vi försöker även ge ett svar på följdfrågan varför. Drivkraften bakom att stärka den lokala demokratin har varit stadsdelsreformen som inleddes 1996 i Malmö och som gav stadsdelarna ökade befogenheter, bland annat uppgiften att stärka den lokala demokratin. För att ge ett svar på frågeställningen har vi bland annat intervjuat tjänstemän och politiker i Husie och Hyllie. En omfattande del av arbetet har även varit att utforma lämpliga teoretiska begrepp.

Konflikten i Darfur påbörjades 2003 men först i mitten av 2004 började frågan på allvar att diskuteras i FN:s säkerhetsråd. När FN väl uppmärksammat problemen i Darfur gjordes ändå inget för att stoppa pågående massakrer på civilbefolkningen. I denna uppsats frågar vi oss vad som gick fel i FN och vad som kan reformeras i Säkerhetsrådet för att förhindra att denna situation uppstår igen i framtida konflikter. Vi gör en normativ och konstruktiv analys av befintliga reformförslag inom FN och presenterar också egna idéer.De problem vi har funnit som kan ha lett till denna handlingsförlamning är framförallt en orättvis maktstruktur i Säkerhetsrådet, det samtida Irak-kriget, stormakternas skilda egenintressen samt att konflikten i Darfur var komplicerad och inte alls ett traditionellt krig. Dessutom har vi funnit stora problem med suveränitetsprincipen och FN:s folkmordsdefinition.

This thesis concerns the policy process of a proposed bill. The specific bill constitute a new penal law which is supposed to replace the old penal law from 1974.The questions asked considers what in the foregoing policy process that has proceeded, affected and also characterizes the proposed bill. In order to be able to produce a deep and reliable analysis to this question I use two different theories.The first theory being used consists of John W. Kingdons theory of ?multiple streams? which I use to answer the specific question ?what can be recognized to have proceeded and characterize the policy process that the penal law bill involve??.The second theory consists of Peter Santesson-Wilsons development of symbolic policy theories which is given a concrete form in the ?taxonomy of symbolic policy? which he presents.

This thesis deals with the issues of participation and influence in the multicultural society. The aim with the study is twofold, first to identify determinants improving participation and influence in this context, and second to see if the ecouragement of a strong civil society in ethnic segregated areas is a possible way forward to a multicultural democracy. This is conducted through a case study of brobyggarna in Malmo, Sweden, and how they as an integration policy is working with these questions. Six qualitative interviews have been conducted with seven persons workning as brobyggare or in close connection with them. Toghether with readings of earlier research this material is analysed through an eclectic model with theories put together in five analythic dimensions, Multicultural democracy, Social milieu, Unequal possibillities to participate and influence and Local powerstructures.

AbstractIn 1998 the United Nations held a diplomatic conference on the establishment of an International Criminal Court in Rome. In the end of the conference the negotiating states adopted the Rome Statute by which an international criminal court was established. The court, which entered into force on 1 July 2002, has jurisdiction over the crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. The court also has jurisdiction over the crimes of aggression but the court will only be able to exercise its jurisdiction of this crime category when the member states of the court have found a definition of the crime.In the draft statute, which was prepared before the conference, acts of terrorism were a proposed crime. With the starting-point in the Rome conference this essay studies how the working-definition of crimes of terrorism was elaborated in the draft statute and how the state delegations viewed the crime.

The concept of national security has been a matter for debate during recent years, especially in academic fields. Criticism has surfaced since the end of the cold war, directed towards the traditional perspective's dogmatic focus on armed threats and interstate war. Questions concerning an oncoming paradigm shift have been raised, regarding a widening of the security agenda among national states to also include alternative threats, such as environmental hazards. In this thesis, the focus lies on the effects that climate changes have caused in the Swedish national security agenda during the last 15 years. Swedish policy documents show that there have been some major changes, not only the widening of the security agenda but the entire security domain seems to have changed.

Denna uppsats är en kritisk diskursanalys av Sverigedemokraterna, ett uttalatnationalistiskt och invandringskritiskt parti. Syftet med vår studie är att granskaSverigedemokraternas nationalistiska budskap utifrån ett feministiskt perspektiv.Fokus ligger på ett samspel mellan genus, sexualitet och nation. Studiens materialbestår av politiska program och artiklar från partitidningen Sd-kuriren. Understeget in på den politiska arenan, har Sverigedemokraterna kommit att använda enallt mer ?rumsren? retorik.

Denna fallstudie behandlar USA:s negativa ställningstagande till Kyoto-protokollet. Syftet är att utreda och analysera vilka olika faktorer som kan tänkas ha legat till grund för den ändrade inställning som landet intog efter att George W. Bush hade tillträtt som president 2001. Både systemfaktorer och inrikespolitiska faktorer tas i beaktande och hela studien tar George W. Bushs person som utgångspunkt.

This thesis consists of three parts: one normative, one empirical and one constructive, with the intention to explore the enforcement of accountability in megaprojects.The thesis aims to evaluate the level of accountability in the policy process of the European Spallation Source, ESS between 1990 and 2008. In order to make a comparison possible, a norm is created concerning how a policy process should be designed, with primary focus on openness and participation, to make enforcement of accountability possible. The policy process of the ESS is compared with this norm with the purpose of discovering whether the process contains elements that assure enforcement of accountability. After the comparison is done, it is possible to formulate constructive proposals about how the enforcement of accountability can be improved.The thesis also explores how networks, consisting of actors with particular resources, surrounding the ESS-project affects the form of the policy process, e.g. in shaping the social construction of the aim and purpose of the project.

The consociational democracy model in Macedonia, which came out from a warcrisis and a peace agreement from 2001, in addition, putting an end to the violent conflict, actually admits the division of the society along the ethnic lines. Paradoxically, there is an attempt to bridge the ethnic gap with this model. As a result, the consociational democracy model holds solutions that can be abused if somebody misuses its power and desires to disintegrate the country. The future development depends therefore on the moderate attitude of the citizens, and first and foremost, on the political elites and their commitment to the values of democracy and human rights instead of their nationalistic goals. Furthermore, thepresent democratic consolidation in Macedonia is established on the execution of the peace agreement and the improved effectiveness of the institutions.

Since a decade back in time, Sweden is officially recognised as a multicultural society. Different cultures exist side by side and the city of Malmo is one of the clearest examples of this setting. In multicultural societies, the dichotomy of ?us? versus ?them? is common, which leads to segregation and asymmetrical relations of power. The concept of intercultural education is in theory known to be able to create a position of ?us? where every culture is equally recognized and reinterpreted and thus become an alternative to the dichotomy.