Since a decade back in time, Sweden is officially recognised as a multicultural society. Different cultures exist side by side and the city of Malmo is one of the clearest examples of this setting. In multicultural societies, the dichotomy of ?us? versus ?them? is common, which leads to segregation and asymmetrical relations of power. The concept of intercultural education is in theory known to be able to create a position of ?us? where every culture is equally recognized and reinterpreted and thus become an alternative to the dichotomy.

The purpose of this essay was to examine six high school welfare officers' experiences and work with students suffering from social phobia and discuss the welfare officers' view on social phobia from a psychiatric, cognitive and a knowledge theory. The study consists of qualitative interviews with welfare officers from several different high schools and attempts to answer the following questions: What previous experiences do welfare officers have of students with social phobia? How do welfare officers become aware of students with symptoms of social phobia and bring forth their problems? How do welfare officers describe their social work with students suffering from social phobia?The welfare officers' experiences of students with social phobia varied but turned out to be less salient than the amount of research in the area would suggest. The theoretical knowledge also varied, as did the acquiring and use of theory. These findings were then analysed on the basis of Rosmari Eliassons thoughts on knowledge, leading to the conclusion that the interviewed welfare officers do not construct their work on praxis-knowledge.

Due to the political system in Vietnam, all organizations in Vietnam need a permit to operate in the country and consequently, have to balance their mission, their main purpose of being in the country, with the fact that they are dependant on the government to give them the permit they need to stay in the country.With this as our basis, the main focus of this essay has been to identify different types of relations that exist between the Vietnamese state and International Non Governmental Organisations (INGOs) in Vietnam. Since we have interviewed people representing INGOs, our result is based on their experience of this relationship. By using Najam's Four-C's Model, we established that the more traditional INGOs which principally provide services, predominantly have a cooperative relationship with the state, whereas radical INGOs which are committed to policy change, mostly have a relationship which is characterised by conflict..

The purpose of this paper is to identify significant factors of influence for the co-existence and team climate within working groups, and to examine their impact on the psychosocial work environment within a group. Team climate and interaction affect every individual in a group. The manager, however, is the one formally accountable for the psychosocial climate in a working group, which is the reason why this study uses the management perspective.As an introduction to the empiric study, an overview of the existing literature within the field was made. A qualitative method is used and the empiric data is based on semi-structured interviews. The study comprises six interviews with department managers within the Social Services in the City Council of Stockholm.

In 1992, the European Union began institutionalizing the cooperation against terrorism within the EU structure. Since then, this cooperation has gone through a number of changes. From a historical institutionalistic point of departure we explain these changes by identifying sources of institutional resilience and institutional change. Based on these results, we were able to pose hypotheses of when and what category of change was most likely to take place.The results show that the cooperation against terrorism within the EU was most likely to remain stable because of strong sources of institutional resilience. If change would occur through an increase in the sources of institutional change, it was most likely to be of a less extensive category.

The present state of politics in contemporary Venezuela portrays a country of polarization, a chase for power and accusations of authoritarian and even undemocratic rule. The purpose of this bachelor thesis is to examine the democracy in Venezuela, in order to clarify the sometimes vauge perception of the political situation. By applying the theories of polyarchical democracy put forth by Robert Dahl, one of the most highly regarded theorists on the subject, accordingly the discussion will therefore follow a theoretical framework. Dahl requires seven nstitutions to be guaranteed in a democracy, amongst them the possibility to vote, run for public office and the practise of freedom of speech. Measuring Dahl's levels of institutions in Venezuela, it is made clear that the level of democracy vary in different areas.

In this thesis I discuss and analyse the use of violence of Basque radical nationalists after the 11th of September 2001 and the bombing of Madrid the 11th of March 2004. The field study is performed in the Basque country with interviews both on the French and Spanish side of the border with representatives from the Basque Nationalist Liberation Movement (BNLM).After the 11th of September the Spanish government continued its struggle against the countries own terror - ETA. But as the research will show the new political context after the 11/9 made it possible for the state to intensify the labelling of groups from the BNLM as terrorist organisations and thereby putting its members and leaders in prison for terrorism. My research shows that this social change may lead to a mobilisation of activists inside ETA, which in turn might create a continuity of the group's use of violence. The scenario is though challenged by an other setting in which the political situation after the 11/9 have made use of violence by militant groups like ETA illegitimate and irrational as a consequence of the mental trauma among the people of the western world.

This thesis is a study of social movements and their possibilities to effect politics by infuencing values in society through framing. I've looked upon social movements from a functionalistic-structuralistic perspective, as if they were carriers of values from people that otherwise won't be represented in the political life. The values that the social movements are struggling for can affect both the opinion and the decision-makers since the social movements in an active way are trying ti influence the society. The thesis examines the political opportunities that social movements hav to mobilise and grow. I have looked at different factors that either improve or make the political opportunities worse.

Konkurrens av privata aktörer på skolområdet verkar inte leda till ökad effektivitet, snarare tvärt om. Effekten på medelbetyg verkar vara marginell, samtidigt som de elever i en kommun som redan har svaga resultat drabbas negativt, och effekten i det sambandet kan växa över tid. De elever som drabbas behöver inte vara samma som går i friskolorna. Friskolor ser ut att ha en kostnadsdrivande effekt. Inom den teori som kallas New Public Management antar man att marknadens strukturer kan föras över på den offentliga förvaltningen, men det verkar inte stämma på skolområdet.

Den 11 september 2001 förändrades världen. USA var inte längre skyddat av stora hav utan var nu sårbart för anfall. En ny värld krävde nya krig och de gamla doktrinerna för rättfärdigande av krigföring och nationalstatens suveränitet sattes ur spel i sökandet efter terrorister.Efter att Talibanregimen var störtad i Afghanistan var det största hotet mot USA säkerhet och världens fred diktaturen i Irak och diktatorn Saddam Hussein. Man sökte nu ett rättfärdigande av en militär invasion av Irak och presidentens retorik sökte med snabbt legitimitet i teorierna om rättfärdiga krig.Det nya amerikanska försvarsdoktrinen krävde en modig retorik för att rättfärdiga det kontroversiella beslutet om att ? efter många år ? avsätta den Irakiska diktatorn.Gränsen mellan mod och dumdristighet är hårfin.

De mänskliga rättigheterna brister i sin universalism. Många människor som lever i demokratier nekas grundläggande rättigheter därför att de inte är medborgare i den stat där de bor. Anledningen till detta är att nationalstater, som har ansvar för att de mänskliga rättigheterna efterföljs, traditionellt endast anses ha ansvar för sina medborgare. Uppsatsen utreder och synliggör motsättningen mellan mänskliga rättigheters inkluderande och medborgerliga rättigheters exkluderande natur samt vilka konsekvenser detta får för icke-medborgare.Tre teorier om postnationellt medborgarskap presenteras och genom en mer utförlig diskussion av dessa idéer försöker vi i en konstruktiv ansats utforma en mer inkluderande medborgarskapsmodell i två nivåer; den globala och den nationella. I denna modell utgör de mänskliga rättigheterna en juridisk grund för ett medborgarskap för de människor som saknar det nationella.

Friårreformen genomfördes i hela Sverige vid årsskiftet 2004/05 med två huvudsyften, att underlätta för arbetslösa att komma in på arbetsmarknaden och att erbjuda arbetstagare möjlighet till ledighet. Reformen har väckt stort intresse, hos arbetstagare och i media. Många artiklar har skrivits om de positiva effekterna men även negativa sidor har lyfts fram. Syftet med denna uppsats är att försöka uppnå en förståelse för de motiv och övervägande som ligger bakom valet att ta ut friår sett ur ett arbetstagarperspektiv. Syftet är också att i viss mån ställa detta mot arbetsgivarens syn på friårsledighet.

The purpose of this thesis was to study descriptions of companies on their webpages on the Internet. This was performed from a socialconstructionist point of view with focus being on subject positionings and gender. A critical discourse analysis was carried out on two texts from the webpages of two organizations on the Internet. Using the three dimensional model for critical discourse analysis by Fairclough, the discourses and subject positionings that the texts included could be revealed. The purpose of this thesis was also to point out the importance of the use of language in recruiting personnel and to hopefully encourage organizations to put effort into text production to avoid discrimination.

När en ungdom misstänks för att ha begått ett brott kommer han eller hon i kontakt med rättssystemet på olika vis. Rättsystemets uppgift i detta sammanhang är givetvis att skipa rätt. Vidare är dess uppgift även att hjälpa den unge tillrätta i samhället igen.Min avsikt med arbetet är därför att ge en bild av hur ungdomsbrottslingar behandlas i rättssalen av de olika aktörerna för att se huruvida behandlingen kan sägas överensstämma med den allmänna, common sense, uppfattningen om hur ungdomsbrottslingar ska behandlas och om denna behandling överensstämmer med lagstiftarens intentioner. Jag ämnar också beröra hur aktörerna kan sägas känneteckna och klassificera ungdomsbrottslingen och lägga upp sitt arbete i behandlingen. I detta sammanhang blir det speciellt intressant att se om de följer några givna mönster inom rättsväsendet som kan ses som meningsfulla för samtliga aktörer.

Can coercive care be justified against drug and alcohol addicts or should treatment be offered on a strictly voluntary basis? This was one of the central questions debated in Sweden during the 70's when the development of a new social legislation, The Social Services Act (Socialtjänstlagen), took place. The first aim of this thesis was to analyse whether the arguments that were presented both in favour for and against coercion were sound. To achieve this, a method for analysing arguments was employed, where a sound argument is defined as acceptable, relevant and adequate. The analysed material consists of both official government reports and books of influential debaters.