This thesis aims at investigating the conflict development of Swedish foreign policy debates during 1989-2000. It is rather assumed that the Swedish foreign policy debates have been highly characterized by a large consensus. Despite that, there have been certain occurrences where the political parties have flushed into party struggle and shown disagreements over the party frontiers. This has raised questions about the range of conflict and consensus in such debates where I have studied the political parties' backchats. I have studied situations where the political parties replicate each other in order to investigate the range of consensus and controversy that exists within different foreign policy areas.

The appointing of Swedish governmental officials has gone through a dramatic change the last nine years. The tradition of officials appointed due to their political experience has been traded against the appointing of experts. In this study I ask questions about this new way of appointing representatives effects how these officials interpret their role. An official that who has never been in the party before appointed, obviously cannot consider the principal of party. With the theoretical approach of normative representation theory (representational style) I perform case studies that shows some change.

Bakgrund; I Sverige fanns år 2009, enligt Statens Folkhälsoinstitut (FHI) ca 385 000 barn med åtminstone en förälder som uppfyllde kraven för riskbruk eller missbruk av alkohol eller narkotika. Således fanns det uppskattningsvis fyra till fem elever i varje skolklass där barnen var under 18 år, som var drabbade.Syfte 1; Att undersöka hur elever i årskurs 8 såg på skolan som en           hälsofrämjande arena för att bredriva information om missbruk.Syfte 2; Att undersöka om en intervention med föreläsningar om   missbruksproblematik, samt information om hjälpinstanser för barn och ungdomar som växte upp i en missbruksmiljö kunde öka kunskapen hos eleverna inom dessa områden. Metod: Målgruppen var två klasser i årskurs åtta på en högstadieskola i Halmstad, Sverige. För att besvara syftet gjordes en interventionsstudie som baserades på tidigare publicerat material inom området missbruk. Interventionen bestod av två likadana föreläsningar om missbruk för två olika klasser. Instrumenten som användes för att mäta kunskapsökningen hos eleverna, var två egenhändigt komponerade enkäter.Resultat: Resultatet kring elevernas syn på skolans roll som hälsofrämjande arena för att informera om missbruk visade att eleverna tyckte att skolan var en bra arena för att bedriva missbruksinformation på, helst av personal med erfarenhet inom området, och att mer information om missbruk behövdes i skolan.

Children are said to be the future of our society. Hence, how we take care of our children is a cause of concern. This is evident in much of the social work that is carried out in Sweden. One of the times when we find children to be the most vulnerable is when they, for different reasons, are separated from their biological families and placed in foster care. Based on the fact that Sweden over the last century has experienced an increased immigration intake we wanted to take a closer look on how this change of the population dynamics has influenced foster care in the country.

The aim of this essay was to look into and compare the experiences and opinions about the practice of 13 § LVM among persons that, through their profession, use the law.The questions we have been asking were; what experiences and opinions the individuals have about the paragraph in general, what they think about the cases when no application for LVM is made after a client has been taken in charge as directed by 13 § LVM, and of the fact that the majority of cases of LVM are initiated by the same paragraph. Another question was how the individuals think about the legal security in connection to 13 § LVM.The methods used are qualitative and we have interviewed individuals from different fields of social work that comes in contact with drug abusers.The findings from these studies include that care made out of the clients' free will is the main reason why an application is not made. It is also the reason to why many LVM initiates as directed by 13 § LVM for the reason that the districts above all try to help the clients without force. The economical aspects are repeatedly mentioned as another reason to the problems appeared in connection with 13 § LVM..

The aim of this study was to examine how women in a voluntary organization, KRIS (C.R.I.S. Criminals' Return Into Society) express their experience of help and support from voluntary and professional organized social work. This was an empirically based study with, qualitative approach. The methods of data collection were unstructured interviews and participant observation.The central question was which importance KRIS possible may have in the process of the women's return into society from involvement in crime and drug abuse. What can KRIS offer that the professional organization can't?The findings were that mutuality, mutual aid or mutual help based on shared experiences is hard to replace with support from professional organized social work.

This paper is about street children in Delhi and how they get through the day. The content is based on interviews with staff in different Non Governmental Organisations (NGO) in Delhi. The facts from the interviews are complemented with different researches about street children in general and not only about street children in Delhi. Our main question is "How is it possible for a child to deal with the street life in Delhi?".

Då dagens vapensystem blir allt effektivare med högre penetration och större verkan är det inte längre möjligt att endast lägga på mer pansar för att få tillräckligt skydd. Fordonen blir för tunga och rörligheten påverkas negativt i allt för stor grad, därför börjar nu system för aktivt skydd slå sig in på marknaden. Dessa system söker aktivt av fordonets omgivning och skjuter ner inkommande hot såsom raketer och robotar och finns redan implementerade i en rad länder i vårt närområde. Infanteriets huvudbeväpning, som mot bepansrade hot traditionellt sett varit just robotar, raketer och granater, är i många fall verkanslös i mötet med aktivt pansar.Uppsatsen undersöker vilka möjligheter som finns att med den utrustning som dagens svenska försvarsmakt är utrustad med nå verkan i mål som är skyddade av aktivt pansar. De befintliga systemen för aktivt pansar Trophy, Iron Curtain och Arena har valts som exempelsystem.

This is a qualitative study on bachelor level at the School of Social Work. The aim of the thesis was to describe how selected municipal commissioners and social workers in Malmö view the complex of problems, and different solutions, concerning homelessness.Malmö, the third largest city of Sweden, is struggling with serious problems concerning homelessness. Possible solutions are being debated, and the opinions differ widely, depending on ideological standpoint. We wanted to find out how selected municipal commissioners and social workers view the complex of problems, related laws and local guidelines, and measures to improve the situation. In order to have a free discussion, but within limits we used semi-structured interviews.Our results show that both the municipal commissioners and social workers regarded homelessness mainly as an individual issue, related to dissocial aspects of the individual.

AbstractTitle: What TV-glasses do you wear? A study in how party-political people decode the TVshow Scooby Doo (Vilka tv-glasögon har du? En studie i hur partipolitiskt aktiva personer tolkar tv-serien Scooby Doo)Number of pages: 47 (54 including enclosures)Author: Christopher LandstedtTutor: Amelie HössjerCourse: Media and Communication Studies CPeriod: Autumn term 2007University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University.Purpose/Aim: The aim of this essay is to make a study in how party-political people, 18-25 years old, both female and male, decode the messages in the TV-show Scooby Doo from 1969. Do they decode the show differently because of their political view, their gender or, and their social background? Is there a pattern in the decoding or is it based on a more individual level?Material/Method: A qualitative method containing a total number of 16 individual interviews with young adults, 18-25 years old, half of them female, the other half male, were used. All of the participants are members of political youth parties/organizations, equally divided in left and right wing parties.

Currently, the whole globe is faced with serious problems which negatively affect people around the world: increased pollution, excessive waste, and weather pattern changes. ?Left? and ?right? wing political parties alike have embraced ?green? politics and for many of these parties, environmental issues have become a top priority that is very much reflected in their manifestos. This study examines the environmental goals of two of Sweden?s largest political parties and how these ambitions are reflected at a local level.

Arbetet syftar till att förstå en fundamental offentlig reformprocess, och fokus ligger på den politiska beslutsprocessen bakom förändringen av sjukvården i Region Skåne. Vi gör en kvalitativ fallstudie av projektet Skånsk Livskraft, och genomför intervjuer med potentiellt inflytelserika politiker och tjänstemän. Den teoretiska tolkningsramen utgörs framförallt av Institutionell teori samt Garbage Can.Tidsperspektivet visar hur tidigare misslyckade reformer möjliggjort tillblivelsen av Skånsk Livskraft. Vidare har arbetssättet, med stark yrkesmässig förankring, gett tjänstemännen en inflytelserik roll. Enigheten över blockgränserna vid budgetförhandlingen 2001 var en förutsättning för att projektet skulle kunna konkretiseras.

This essay deals with the paradox of why the immigrants in Sweden, despite their considerable size of 12 % of the population and common interest and living opportunities, haven?t mobilized politically in any significant way. The aim with this essay is to reach a theoretical understanding of why this paradox exist. By the use of a critical case and a theoretical model, based on theories of collective action, the conclusion of this essay is that, despite the fact that the immigrants have a common interest and an organizational structure, the immigrants in Sweden has not mobilized politically in any significant way. The main reason for this is that they have a weak common identity and they don?t have the structural opportunities to act..

ABSTRACTSince Robert D. Putnam first wrote about the causes behind the regional differences in economic and political development in Italy, the theory of social capital has truly flourished in the fields of social science. This days you constantly hear politicians and scholars stressing the important role of the quality of the social fabric to a society?s wellbeing. There all looking at ways to construct policies and institutions that help the spread of social capital.

The aim of this study was to analyze how discourses about domestic violence emerges in policy and practice, and to investigate how those discourses may change from a structural, political level to a local, practical level. The research questions focused how the problem of domestic violence is formulated at national and local level, scrutinizing the different discourses framing and reproducing the causes and solutions of the problem, and also to deduce how different context affects formulations. The empirical material consists of policy plans and interviews with social workers. The findings indicates that the issue of domestic violence is articulated differently on different levels. In action plans on the national level, the domestic violence is formulated within a structural discourse, being a problem on a (gender-) political level, whereas professional social workers recognizes domestic violence as a personal problem within an individual oriented discourse.