Arbetet syftar till att förstå en fundamental offentlig reformprocess, och fokus ligger på den politiska beslutsprocessen bakom förändringen av sjukvården i Region Skåne. Vi gör en kvalitativ fallstudie av projektet Skånsk Livskraft, och genomför intervjuer med potentiellt inflytelserika politiker och tjänstemän. Den teoretiska tolkningsramen utgörs framförallt av Institutionell teori samt Garbage Can.Tidsperspektivet visar hur tidigare misslyckade reformer möjliggjort tillblivelsen av Skånsk Livskraft. Vidare har arbetssättet, med stark yrkesmässig förankring, gett tjänstemännen en inflytelserik roll. Enigheten över blockgränserna vid budgetförhandlingen 2001 var en förutsättning för att projektet skulle kunna konkretiseras.

This essay deals with the paradox of why the immigrants in Sweden, despite their considerable size of 12 % of the population and common interest and living opportunities, haven?t mobilized politically in any significant way. The aim with this essay is to reach a theoretical understanding of why this paradox exist. By the use of a critical case and a theoretical model, based on theories of collective action, the conclusion of this essay is that, despite the fact that the immigrants have a common interest and an organizational structure, the immigrants in Sweden has not mobilized politically in any significant way. The main reason for this is that they have a weak common identity and they don?t have the structural opportunities to act..

ABSTRACTSince Robert D. Putnam first wrote about the causes behind the regional differences in economic and political development in Italy, the theory of social capital has truly flourished in the fields of social science. This days you constantly hear politicians and scholars stressing the important role of the quality of the social fabric to a society?s wellbeing. There all looking at ways to construct policies and institutions that help the spread of social capital.

The aim of this study was to analyze how discourses about domestic violence emerges in policy and practice, and to investigate how those discourses may change from a structural, political level to a local, practical level. The research questions focused how the problem of domestic violence is formulated at national and local level, scrutinizing the different discourses framing and reproducing the causes and solutions of the problem, and also to deduce how different context affects formulations. The empirical material consists of policy plans and interviews with social workers. The findings indicates that the issue of domestic violence is articulated differently on different levels. In action plans on the national level, the domestic violence is formulated within a structural discourse, being a problem on a (gender-) political level, whereas professional social workers recognizes domestic violence as a personal problem within an individual oriented discourse.

In this paper the discourseand social practice of the Swedish culture funding system Skapande Skola hasbeen mapped out and examined. The material for analysis was takenfrom regulating documents, information texts and media texts, and alsofrom four interviews that were conducted. The theoretical foundation is builton theories from Pierre Bourdieu, Michel Foucault and the theoretical frameworkof New Public Management. The survey has resulted in three major points ofinterest. They are presented throughout the text.

Our main purpose has been to describe and compare two community's ways of organising and executing the social welfare sectors drug and alcohol abuse programs. We also wanted to explain the similarities and differences we found with the help of an organisations theoretical perspective. A second purpose has been to try to find out if the difference affects the clients possibility to receive equal care.To find out how the community's organise and execute their drug and alcohol programs, we interviewed two social workers in leading positions in Landskrona and Ängelholm. We have further more, to find out if the differences we found influencing the clients possibility to recieve equal care, completed an inquiry with fictional cases that all of the involved social workers, at each community, built an opinion upon.Our main result showed more simmularities than differences in our two community's ways of organasing and executing their drug and alcohol programs. We judged the clients possibility to adequate care to be equally sufficient no matter where he sought care, since our study showed that the social workers choice of approach did not differ significantly between the two communities, even though we found differences in their way to organise and execute the social welfare sectors drug and alcohol abuse programs..

The aim of this thesis is to examine the theoretical developments on social entrepreneurship. Our purpose is to create a better understanding of the phenomenon leading to new insights. We have categorized the knowledge of the concept into social economy, social ownership, social innovation and social missions. Drawing from our theoretical review we have chosen four empirical illustrations, Grameen Bank, Wikipedia, Basta Arbetskooperativ, Jörn Hälsogemenskap, and we have shown how these fit into the general description of the social entrepreneur. With help of our illustrations we show that it is complicated to pin point the core of social entrepreneurship as they each have separate structures, innovations, social missions and operate close to different sectors.

In contemporary Sweden political participation among foreign-born Swedes is viewed as low and it is well known that foreign-born individuals do not use their voting rights to the same extent as the general population. At the same time there are numerous ethnic associations around the country who work with various activities involving political, democratic and integration issues. This study aims to study how four members of a Somali association regard, relate to and work with politics, democracy and integration. The study is based on these four people, but also on their relationship with authorities and other agencies in the community. The conclusion of this study shows in brief that the desire to participate politically is great, but that democracy and politics is accessible to all, depending on the level of language skills and what political knowledge the individual has.

The purpose of this paper is to see how politicians use Internet communication in their daily work and how they use it to interact with citizens of Vasteras city. To reach my conclusions I used both theoretical methods such as literature studies and qualitative interviews with the towns 11 trustees. Accoarding to this study the politicians saw not only a lot of potentials and advantages in Internet communication but also many difficulties and obstacles. In this case the cons far exceeded the pros. One of the main reason is the bad experiences which caused by rasist attacks/threats made to politicians and also the difficulties in handling of sensitiv documents which was seen as a stress factor.

This thesis is a study of Parties as an outflow of societal changes where the aim has been to find out how parties are affected by societal changes and how they justify to new party formation. This is done by using a theory called Parties as an outflow of societal changes which is a theory developed by Swedish researchers in Political Science. To confirm the theory it is necessary to do an argumentation analysis of one external developed party?s electoral program. In this case the party selected is Feminist Initiative which brings a different view on how the society of Sweden should look like.Selected parts of the argumentative analysis will be examined with the purpose to give a perspective on how Feminist Initiative values the changes in society and how they describe their role as a new party.The main question of this study is; Are new parties an outflow of societal changes? The basic arguments includes that along with societal changes in Western Europe also changes the view of a representative democracy in which political parties play a central role.

The aim with this study was to examine what it is that govern the way that municipalities develop the non-institutional care for youth. An extensive development of non-institutional care for children is a visible trend in municipal social service and probable reasons for this development are, among other things, research that show inadequate results of the institution care and economy. Our main questions at issue were how the municipalities argue the priorities that have been done within their youth care services with regard to the non-institutional care and how they reason considering this? Furthermore we asked why the municipalities have chosen to develop their non-institutional care for youth the way they have and on what grounds they make their choices? This study consists of eight qualitative interviews with politicians and employees in four different municipals along with analysis of relevant documents. We have found that what governs the way that municipalities develop the non-institutional care for youth has to do with that the municipalities found it vital to find alternative solutions to the expensive and ineffective institutional care, that they comprehend that the quality of non-institutional care are higher then of the institutional care and that the non- institutional care is seen as more effective with regards to economic results and achieved treatment results.

The aim of this paper is to investigate the subject matter of visual communication in presentation brochures of two Swedish regions: Region Halland and Region Dalarna. My focuses are the following questions: what is the aim of the brochures and in what ways does the visual material relate to that aim? How can strategic communication be defined through a visual perspective and in what ways is it useful in the context of presentation brochures of the regions? What sort of communicational functions are specific for the visual material in relation to the written language of the brochures? Lead by these questions, I start by analyzing the brochures through a textual analysis and a social semiotic approach. The result shows that the aim seems to be both political and commercial, but that the visual elements relate more strongly to the commercial aim than to the political aim by the way they strive to present a positive image of the region. The visual elements work in strategic ways that I define as visual strategies.

I över 50 år har Kongo-Kinshasa varit utsatt for krig, och landet präglas idag av en skenande statskollaps. Vi har utkristalliserat tre fundamentala orsaker till konflikten som anses relevanta i samband med vår frågestallning, vilken behandlar FN-styrkan MONUC: s insatser i landet. Maktspel över Kongos enorma naturtillgångar, politisk problematik och etniska skiljelinjer är grunden till såväl konflikten som landets politiska instabilitet. FN-styrkan, som är en av de största i sitt slag och har befunnit sig i landet sedan år 2000, arbetar mot fredsbevarande och fredsfrämjande mål vilka ofta fokuserat på att mildra den humanitära katastrof som råder. Granskning har genomförts av MONUC: s arbete i att vara behjälpliga till att motverka de viktigaste källorna till konflikten.

I denna uppsats undersöks hur användarna på det virtuella nätverket facebook väljer att framställa sig själva samt vad som ger social status därpå, och detta ur ett genusperspektiv. Facebook är ett socialt virtuellt nätverk som baserar dig på relationer förankrade utanför internet, och har på en mycket kort tid nått en stor spridning. Facebook är därför en social arena som möjliggör nya möjligheter men även begräsningar i presentationen av jaget. Uppsatsens resultat baseras på en innehållsanalys av statusuppdateringar och bilder från facebook, som analyserats utifrån relevant sociologisk teoribildning. De resultat som framkommit ur analysen tyder på att den framställning som görs av användarna på facebook är en idealiserad och ytlig sådan, där båda könen strävar efter att framstå som populära, framgångsrika och lyckade.

The breakdown of the ratification process of the EU constitution was in Sweden blamed on a lack of a debate concerning European issues. The constitution can be seen as the best and latest, but in no way the only, example of this problem. The breakdown can also been seen as proof of a larger legitimacy crises within the EU. The aim of the study is to determine whether or not there really was of lack of debate concerning the constitution in Sweden. This question is theoretic¬ally connected to EU legitimacy through Habermas idea of a public sphere.