This thesis is an attempt to understand how the traditional female gender identity is constructed and what kind of structures that are maintaining it. I also study how this identity is reflected in young women's conception of themselves and in their views upon whether they should sign in to the military service or not.The theoretical framework that I use mainly consists of theories about gender construction, male dominance and the woman's role in the nation-state.The purpose of using this theoretical approach is to illustrate that the traditional female gender identity consists of characteristics that are in opposition to the male ones. The woman should be weaker, less aggressive and more caretaking than men- in sum she is defined as the Other. The structures that constructs this identity is the male dominance, also known as the gender system and the patriarchy.This traditional female gender identity and citizenship role that historically has been allotted to women in the nation-state is still today very vivant in Sweden and is reflected in the fact that the military service is optional for women. Certain parts of this identity is also reflected in the young women that I interview, in their sense of probably not fitting in to the military service, because of their sex and the characteristics discussed above, that are associated with it..

Den här uppsatsen analyserar och jämför två fall av externt administrerade statsbyggande missioner. Den utgår från Barry Buzans statskomponenter för att jämföra och söka förklara varför de internationella administrationerna i Kosovo och Bosnien-Hercegovina misslyckats med att bygga en stabil, representativ och enad stat. Analysen utgörs av tre huvudsakliga statskomponenter, dessa innefattar den statsbärande idén, statens institutioner samt statens fysiska bas (befolkningen och territoriet).Slutsatsen är att man misslyckats med att skapa legitimitet för institutionerna eftersom institutionerna, vars bas är tänkt att bygga på en enande statsbärande idé, speglar samhället i stort som har differentierade åsikter om vad staten bör vara till för och försvårar byggandet av en gemensam, stabil stat.Vi föreslår att den idealiserade visionen om en multietnisk stat, både i Kosovo och Bosnien-Hercegovina ersätts eller möjligen successivt övergår till en vision om integration och multinationalitet som omfamnar gruppernas skillnader och undviker att påtvinga de opraktisk neutralitet..

This thesis aims to describe and characterise the impact of the Kurdish question for Turkey's decision-making process and foreign relations from the 1980's until today. The Kurdish question as perceived by Ankara, is separatist, and poses a security threat to the entire country but has also international dimensions, which are responded with foreign policy actions by Turkey. Initially, a systemic view is considered in order to investigate Turkey's position in this issue in a global perspective. Moreover, this is completed with an ?Internal Politics Perspective?(Joe D Hagan), which gives a deeper understanding of the actual structures and actors in Turkish domestic policy that shape the foreign policy.

On the 17th of January 2002 the Swedish government presented a bill to theSwedish parliament, proposing ways of strengthening the Swedish democracythrough reforms for increased elements of participatory democracy. A publicreport on the state of the Swedish democracy had been released two years earlierwith similar enthusiasm for participatory democracy. However, the participatoryideals of these two documents were strongly criticised by a group of scholars.The aim of this thesis is to analyze and compare the arguments articulatedbetween the years 2000 and 2002 by the actors mentioned above, and to examinetheir relation to arguments concerning political participation, articulated bythinkers from previous times. By classifying the arguments into different groupsdepending on their content I find that both parties in the Swedish argumentationfocus on the effects of participatory democracy on political equality, on theefficiency of the political decision-making and the quality of the decisions beingmade, and finally on the personal character of the citizens. Among the argumentsarticulated by thinkers from previous times, similarities with the Swedishargumentation can be seen as well as important differences.

This is a study about the relation between the Swedish school and the political system of Sweden. I wanted to see if the relation had changed since the election of 2010 as it was in that election the Sweden Democrats got over five percent of the votes and took seat in the Swedish parliament. The thing that is unique about this election is that it was really the first time a right-wing party had been elected into the Swedish parliament. Many experts argue that this is the first xenophobic party that has been elected into the Swedish parliament. This led to a problem for schools and their principals and a difficult question to answer because xenophobia is contrary to the school?s core values and the school?s democratic mission.Should the school still be open for political parties? How do schools manage to distinguish between political information and political propaganda? If parties still are welcome into the schools, which parties should be allowed? The equality ombudsman has said in a report that the schools have to comply with the principle of objectivity, which stipulates that the public sector has to be unbiased.I have chosen to make use of a qualitative method because I think the study then gets a deeper understanding of the topic.

Offentliga verksamheter genomgår ständigt olika typer av omorganisationer. Sedan 1950-talet har Sveriges förvaltning präglats av omväxlande mer centraliserad styrelseform eller mer decentraliserad styrelseform. Uppsatsen syftar till att undersöka hur regeringar, genom tiderna, argumenterat för omorganisationer av offentliga verksamheter. Förvaltningen är av en särskild karaktär och skall ta hänsyn till både demokrati- och ekonomivärden. Uppsatsen belyser de värden som i olika tider har prioriterats i argumentationen.Utifrån teorier om organisationsförändringar och Sveriges olikartade ekonomiska förutsättningar har vi gjort en argumentationsanalys där vi utgått från budgetpropositioner samt Statens offentliga utredningar.

1994 drabbades Rwanda av ett folkmord vars omfattning betecknas som ett av de mest brutala i vår moderna tid. Drygt tio år senare innehar rwandiska kvinnor den högsta parlamentariska representationen i världen och har därmed gått om Sverige. I denna studie är det just kvinnors politiska deltagande som undersöks. Det analysverktyg som används i studien består av: Post-konfliktteori, Transversal politics, Critical Mass, Essentialism, Gender Mainstreaming och kvinnors empowerment. Med hjälp av dessa förklaras relevansen av, och bakgrunden till, fyra faktorer som har möjliggjort och bidragit till kvinnors politiska deltagande i Rwandas freds- och återuppbyggnad efter kriget.

Turkey has recieved recurring criticism on their disrespect of women and their rights and The European Union Commission and CEDAW, the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women, are two examples of critics. However, during the last years Turkey has shown a number of improvments and positive developments. Two flagrant examples of the extended debate of the above mentioned scarcity is within the area of legislation and the large number of womenNGO´s.The aim of my thesis is to investigate which strategies womenorganizations in Turkey are using to affect the political agenda from a genderperspective; do they choose an international or a national strategi? The analysis is based on four womenNGO´s and their efforts of influence and effects on the political agenda and how they experience the link between themselves and the Turkish government. My findings suggest that a national strategy is chosen before an international strategy, but the choice seems to depend on specific goals of the organization and the national climate.

This study analyzes the political view of criminality and crime politics in three political parties in the Swedish parliament, Socialdemokraterna, Folkpartiet and Moderaterna. The study seeks to describe which kind of view these parties present on the criminality in our society. The material for this study is the ideologies that the parties descend from which are, socialism, liberalism and conservatism, the political programs of these three parties have also been studied as well as the parties proposals, political documents in the Swedish parliament. The current public debate shows that the crime politics is an attractive question and the parties may seem to have similar proposals on how to lower the criminality in our society. The theory that has been used to describe the results of the study is ?actors and structures? and the results are related to this theory as well as the theory has been used as an instrument to explain and sort the material and the results.The results of the study show that the parties are different in their views on criminality as a problem in our society.

Uppsatsens problemområde är institutionellt utvecklingssamarbete. Med hjälp av den institutionella teorin problematiseras institutioners normativa och kulturella förankring och därmed den värdebaserade komplexitet som lätt uppkommer vid utvecklingssamarbete. Fokus ligger på förvaltningsbistånd. Den första delen av uppsatsen berör problemområdet på en konceptuell och generell nivå, vilka värden Sverige vill exportera i det institutionella förvaltningsbiståndet. Dessa värden analyseras sedan via ett antal verktyg från den institutionella teorin.

Social workers in the Social Services are seen as professionals and they are associatedwith a substantial degree of freedom to carry out their work in order to interpret theSocial Services Act and make decisions. This freedom is referred to as discretion andis a central aspect of the role of the social worker. But the social worker is employedwithin an organisation that exists in an environment influenced of political decisionswhich sets boundaries to how far the freedom stretches. The general aim with thisthesis is to gain insight in how social workers within the Social Services experiencetheir discretion. Secondary this thesis also aims to explore how discretion is shapedand negotiated.

The Capturetheory wants to give an alternative explanation for the need of regulation. From this point if view the government does not have enough information to make an optimal regulation. There is a possibility for different interest groups to take advantage of the political arena by rent- seeking behaviour. An industry may be willing to be regulated to protect itself from competition. The objective of this paper is to account for the pros and cons of the theory of regulatory capture and also if it can be applied to the Swedish market of pharmaceuticals.

Den 4 oktober 2004 beslutade socialdemokraterna i Sverige och dess samarbets-partier i kärnkraftsfrågan att Barsebäck skulle stängas under 2005. Beslutet startade en mediedebatt i både Danmark och Sverige kring kärnkraften som tidigare varit död. Med en komparativ argumentationsanalys har vi studerat två danska respektive två svenska dagstidningar för att jämföra debatten mellan länderna. Sverige och Danmark har olika demokratiska utgångspunkter i frågan om Barsebäck. Skillnaden är att svenskarna är inkluderade i demos medan danskarna står utanför i denna bemärkelse.

This article seeks to re-imagine the Alandish hembygdsrätt to a regional citizenship. Hembygdsrätt is a judicial tool that regulates acquisition of property and voting rights. Its a central part of the autonomy as it constitutes a social-border between Finns and Alanders.However as Åland and Finland became members of the European Union questions arouse concerning the legitimacy of the current statues. The community argued that it could be considered as a breach of the anti-discrimination principle. Therefore Alandish autonomy was recognized as an exception in the joint-accession treaty of Finland and Åland.

This study is mainly critical-theoretic and explores the theoretic jungle of the concept of intersectionality with the use of Post-colonial and Feminist theories. The purpose of the thesis is also to investigate the concept of intersectionality further by looking upon its practical use as theoretic tool. This is performed in a discourse analysis of two programs developed by Swedish Liberal Party autumn of 2005. Another purpose is to discuss the multiculturalist dilemma as well as the phenomenon of a hegemonic western Feminism. One conclusion of this thesis is that the use of intersectionality is not unproblematic.