Folkhälsovetenskapligt program.

Hasan di Tiro och organisationen Acheh Sumatra National Liberation Front (ASNLF) har varit den drivande kraften i kampen för ett självständigt Acheh, som sedan 1949 varit en del av Indonesien. Deras främsta argument är att när den forna nederländska kolonin upplöstes överläts Acheh till den konstruerade nationen Indonesien, ett land utan några som helst historiska eller kulturella band med Acheh. Syftet med denna uppsats är att utföra en narrativanalys på den dagbok Hasan di Tiro skrev 1976-79 mitt under den pågående frihetskampen. Vi analyserar vilka kognitiva och ideologiska uppfattningar som ligger till grund för konstruktionen av en achehnesisk fiendebild, samt hur di Tiro refererar till Indonesien som "den Andre" i sin narrativa diskurs. Vår analys visar att fiendebilden om Indonesien bygger på en stark förankring i Achehs historiska uppfattning från kolonialtiden, samt på ett resonemang där fienden avhumaniseras och sätts i en underlägsen position i kontrast till den egna identiteten..

Abstract"The war on terror" has resulted in numerous exceptions from the constitutional order. This thesis is an attempt to give empirical support to Georgio Agambens theory that these exceptions should be regarded as a constant element in modern societies based on a constitutional order. The results of the case study of the empirical exceptions in the American context give Agambens theory validity. The exception is a reappearing phenomenon, which implies that the constitutional order is fragile. What then is it that makes the legal norms fragile? In this thesis I will discuss the causality of moral panic.

The main purpose of this essay was to study the program "Nationellt stöd för kunskapsutveckling inom socialtjänsten" ("National support for knowledge development within the social services") from the National Board of Health and Welfare on the basis of how such a development, as represented by the program, could affect clients' possibilities to participation and influence within the social services.To respond to the purpose I used the following questions at issue:* How is client participation and client influence defined in the program?* What arguments for and/or against client participation and client influence are stated?* Which patterns and similarities/differences are possible to discern between the municipalities and universities that participated in the program when it comes to client participation and client influence?The study was conducted as a document analysis. I studied documents from the program both on a national and a local level. The essay uses empowerment theories and theories concerning client participation and client influence. The main conclusions were that on the national level the authors of the documents spoke with caution about their view on client participation and client influence and expressed that it had to be balanced against the rights of the citizens and the social workers for example.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the political ambitions regarding culture inVärmland, and the situation for artists living on the countryside in Värmland. This meansthat the conditions surronding the artists situation will be looked upon. I have chosen thepolitical document Kulturplanen, created by Region Värmland, as my guideline to whatkind of political view there is on art and cultures role in the region. Furthermore, I havechosen Pierre Bourdieu`s theory about art as a field controlled by and under the influenceof different rules within the filed itself and what or whom has the power to act and be apart of the filed. I also use interviews as my method for this study.

To this day, battery of women is a global problem. The aim of this paper is to examine this problem in the country that is considered to be one of the most equal countries in the world, namely Sweden. How big a problem is it, what is the social outlook of the victim and how does the Swedish justice system respond to this issue? These are some of the questions that will help to form an answer to the question if Sweden is a sanctuary for femalebatterers.Due to the resistance of implementing the entire penalty scale and the use of judicial methods, such as restraining orders and its effect on the women, the conclusion drawn from the answers is yes - Sweden is that sanctuary. The Swedish justice system is not tough enough when it comes to the abuse of women.

FN har sedan starten varit en tongivande gestalt för demokratisering och människorätt. Trots detta passerade 30 år innan organisationen manifesterade sitt motstånd mot den frekventa diskrimineringen av kvinnor. Därefter har jämställdhetsarbetet undergått flera genomgripande paradigmskiften. FNs fjärde globala kvinnokonferens utgjorde startskottet för ännu ett nytt progressivt tänkande kring jämställdhet och respekt för kvinnors mänskliga rättigheter.Denna uppsats behandlar FNs jämställdhetssyn med särskilt fokus på ambitionen att utforma globalt fungerande principer. Genom kritisk analys granskas FNs uppfattning om jämställdhetsproblematiken ur ett feministiskt perspektiv.

A possible "discursive turn" is believed to have been observed within Swedish political science in later years. The purpose of this study is to examine whether or not such a turn has actually taken place, in order to further determine if a resulting theoretical homogeneity poses a risk to the ability of Swedish political science to identify and respond to its full width of possible research problems, and to determine its perspectives on both these problems and the results that are later communicated to the general society. To do so, the study poses the following primary research question:"Has a discursive turn occurred within Swedish political science?"This question is then broken down into two specified research questions."Has discourse analysis become a more common approach for doctoral dissertations in political science during the period of 2000-2013?""Have ideas corresponding with discourse theory become more common within doctoral dissertations in political science that are not pure discourse analyses during the period of 2000-2013?"These questions are then answered by examining all known 406 doctoral dissertations in political science published in Sweden during the 21st century up until (and including) the year of 2013, using two forms of content analysis, one manual and one computer-assisted. The study finds no clear evidence of a discursive turn in Swedish political science since the turn of the century.

This is a study of predictions made by the press during the financial crisis in Asia in the autumn of 1997. The study includes a qualitative, quantitative and comparative analysis of the Swedish newspapers Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet and Dagens Industri. In the last chapter a quantitative analysis of the newspaper Finanstidningen, that today no longer exists, has also been made for comparative reasons. A theoretical framework is also set in the study to explain how the predictions can affect the economy. The quantitative analysis shows that 2/3 of the texts in the traditional morning papers Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet included predictions about the crisis from an Asian or global perspective, while only 1/3 of the texts in the financial newspapers Dagens Industri and Finanstidningen included such predictions.

Studies have found that the applicability of commercial marketing strategies within politics have increased in recent years as a result of a rising number of swing voters. The purpose of this paper was to investigate the effects of the commercial theory of incongruent information in political marketing in Sweden. Subsequently, an experiment with 742 participants was conducted, testing the effects of congruent and incongruent ad messages for two established Swedish parties. The effect of ad message choice on several well-established measures of ad effectiveness such as awareness, credibility, attitude, conviction and voting intentions was analyzed. The results showed that incongruent information effectively increases attitude, conviction and voting intention for voters who decide on the election day what party to vote for.

Immigrants and children of immigrants are statistically lumped together into a category of "person with foreign background". Blatte is a degrading and violating word when directed at immigrants by Swedes. The aim of my essay was to test to what extent the Swedish term "blatte" could be qualified as an ethnicity in the sense that young people with foreign background born between 1981 and 1984 living in a neighborhood with a high population of people with foreign backgrounds have another ethnicity, besides the Swedish and the "home country ethnicity" to find themselves and their identity in.My method consisted of interviewing six people between the ages of 21 and 24 with different ethnic backgrounds living in a limited area of Malmö, Sweden´s third biggest city. I tested my hypothesis of these people having a third ethnicity to relate to against three schools and from two out of three schools defending my hypothesis, my result is that blatte can not fully be seen as an ethnicity but definitely shows tendencies of becoming one in the future..

This thesis is an attempt to understand how the traditional female gender identity is constructed and what kind of structures that are maintaining it. I also study how this identity is reflected in young women's conception of themselves and in their views upon whether they should sign in to the military service or not.The theoretical framework that I use mainly consists of theories about gender construction, male dominance and the woman's role in the nation-state.The purpose of using this theoretical approach is to illustrate that the traditional female gender identity consists of characteristics that are in opposition to the male ones. The woman should be weaker, less aggressive and more caretaking than men- in sum she is defined as the Other. The structures that constructs this identity is the male dominance, also known as the gender system and the patriarchy.This traditional female gender identity and citizenship role that historically has been allotted to women in the nation-state is still today very vivant in Sweden and is reflected in the fact that the military service is optional for women. Certain parts of this identity is also reflected in the young women that I interview, in their sense of probably not fitting in to the military service, because of their sex and the characteristics discussed above, that are associated with it..

Den här uppsatsen analyserar och jämför två fall av externt administrerade statsbyggande missioner. Den utgår från Barry Buzans statskomponenter för att jämföra och söka förklara varför de internationella administrationerna i Kosovo och Bosnien-Hercegovina misslyckats med att bygga en stabil, representativ och enad stat. Analysen utgörs av tre huvudsakliga statskomponenter, dessa innefattar den statsbärande idén, statens institutioner samt statens fysiska bas (befolkningen och territoriet).Slutsatsen är att man misslyckats med att skapa legitimitet för institutionerna eftersom institutionerna, vars bas är tänkt att bygga på en enande statsbärande idé, speglar samhället i stort som har differentierade åsikter om vad staten bör vara till för och försvårar byggandet av en gemensam, stabil stat.Vi föreslår att den idealiserade visionen om en multietnisk stat, både i Kosovo och Bosnien-Hercegovina ersätts eller möjligen successivt övergår till en vision om integration och multinationalitet som omfamnar gruppernas skillnader och undviker att påtvinga de opraktisk neutralitet..

This thesis aims to describe and characterise the impact of the Kurdish question for Turkey's decision-making process and foreign relations from the 1980's until today. The Kurdish question as perceived by Ankara, is separatist, and poses a security threat to the entire country but has also international dimensions, which are responded with foreign policy actions by Turkey. Initially, a systemic view is considered in order to investigate Turkey's position in this issue in a global perspective. Moreover, this is completed with an ?Internal Politics Perspective?(Joe D Hagan), which gives a deeper understanding of the actual structures and actors in Turkish domestic policy that shape the foreign policy.

On the 17th of January 2002 the Swedish government presented a bill to theSwedish parliament, proposing ways of strengthening the Swedish democracythrough reforms for increased elements of participatory democracy. A publicreport on the state of the Swedish democracy had been released two years earlierwith similar enthusiasm for participatory democracy. However, the participatoryideals of these two documents were strongly criticised by a group of scholars.The aim of this thesis is to analyze and compare the arguments articulatedbetween the years 2000 and 2002 by the actors mentioned above, and to examinetheir relation to arguments concerning political participation, articulated bythinkers from previous times. By classifying the arguments into different groupsdepending on their content I find that both parties in the Swedish argumentationfocus on the effects of participatory democracy on political equality, on theefficiency of the political decision-making and the quality of the decisions beingmade, and finally on the personal character of the citizens. Among the argumentsarticulated by thinkers from previous times, similarities with the Swedishargumentation can be seen as well as important differences.