AbstractThis thesis analyzes the Russian Foreign Policy Doctrine from a broad theoretical perspective, with the aim of describing and explaining the doctrine using a number of theoretical approaches. Russia's foreign policy has undergone substantial changes since Vladimir Putin became president in the year 2000, involving a radical shift in foreign policy objectives and thereby moving away from the more confrontational and distrusting policies which characterized the Boris Jeltsin regime. Putins doctrine, based on pragmatism and seeking partnership and collaboration with the West, can be described as a near revolutionary re-orientation of Russia's foreign policy guidelines, meaning a transformation of the country's self image which implies a rejection of great power status and a search for a new role in the international community.Our thesis has examined explanatory variables such as the domestic political situation in Russia, the contemporary international system and President Vladimir Putins system of beliefs in order to describe and explain the doctrine. Our results show that the doctrine is largely a product of Putins personality, values and beliefs, but also to a large extent a consequence of necessities, namely the poor Russian economy and the fact that the country no longer can withstand an all out conflict with the West involving an excessive arms race.Keywords: Vladimir Putin, pragmatism, realism, domestic politics, radical change..

När SVT i början av 2014 sände programserien Fittstim ­? min kamp med frågeställningen Har feminismen spårat ur? orsakade detta svallvågor av upprörda känslor i så väl traditionella som sociala medier. Många ansåg frågeformuleringen problematisk, då feminismens mål är jämställdhet mellan könen och då Sverige än i dag är långt ifrån att ha uppfyllt de jämställdhetspolitiska målen som riksdagen gemensamt formulerat. Efter en återblick i SVT:s debatthistoria fann vi även liknande frågeställningar som Har jämställdheten gått för långt? och Har jämställdhetsdebatten gått för långt? Detta kan påstås anmärkningsvärt sett till public service-sändningstillstånd och SVT:s uppdrag att verka opartiskt, sakligt och folkbildande.Syftet har därför varit att analysera inramningen av jämställdhet och feminism i debattprogram sända i SVT mellan 1980-talet till 2014, för att se vilka beskrivningar och problemformuleringar som präglat diskursen över tid samt hur dessa i förlängningen kan tänkas påverka tittarnas uppfattning och kunskaper om jämställdhet och feminism.

Every now and then new political ideas appear which creates debate. A current example of political debate is the one which concerns the creation of a feminist political party in Sweden -Feministiskt initiativ. Apparent in the current debate is that there are two existing conflicts of ideas present. The liberal thought of politics of ideas stands against feminism's demand for presence in the political life. And the other, the conflict which concerns the question of where a line between the public and the private spheres should be drawn.

AbstractTitle: The struggle of ?The war of the sexes?- A discoursetheoretical analysis of Dokument Inifrån?s review of extreme feminism (Kampen om Könskriget ? En diskursteoretisk analys av meningsskapande kring Dokument Inifråns granskning av extremfeminismen)Number of pages: 40Author: Anna OsterlingTutor: Amelie HössjerCourse: Media and Communication Studies DPeriod: March ? May 2006University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala UniversityPurpose/Aim: To analyse the debate in Dagens Nyheter from May 2005-June 2005 concerning the documentaries ?The war of the sexes? and to use discourse theory to reflect upon how the texts create different thruths and discources. A second purpose is to analyse how the texts create identities and groups, mainly concerning feminism. A third purpose is to relate the creation of meaning to structures of power and genderrelations.Material/Method: The material consists of 57 texts from Dagens Nyheter published during the chosen period, all relating to the documentaries. The method is textual analysis with a discoursetheoretical persective and analysis of societal structures and power using theories from Foucault, Conell and Säljö.Main results: There are several discourses struggling to create mening around ?The war of the sexes? of which some are greatly antagonistic towards each other.

Den här uppsatsen undersöker hur jämställdhet, feministisk teori/praktik och kvinnors organisering diskuteras på ledarplats. Undersökningen består av två delar, en kvantitativ och en kvalitativ. Den kvantitativa mäter antalet artiklar under perioden 16 april ? 6 maj 2007 i Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Göteborgs-Posten och Sydsvenska Dagbladet. Den kvalitativa undersökningen syftar till att närmare visa på vilket sätt de undersökta tidningarnas ledartexter förhåller sig till jämställdhet, feminism och kvinnoorganisationer.

The purpose of this thesis is, through both a quantitative and qualitative study, to map out how the interaction appears between the established parties and the radical right-wing party, the Sweden Democrat?s (SD) and their core issue ? immigration in the Swedish parliament. By applying analytical dimensions on the parliamentary protocols regarding the immigration issue between the years of 2010-2012 this study will get an insight on how the argumentation concerning immigration has developed since their entrance into the Swedish parliament in 2010. The result shows that SD, through the rejection treatment of the established parties, fulfilled the three conditions which accordingly to the study's theoretical framework are crucial for the party's future success. In the established parties? reception of SD regarding immigration, SD is, to a large extent, left unchallenged as the established parties rather focus on integration instead of challenge SD in the immigration issue.

This thesis sets out to examine how feminist struggle can be negotiated, defined and motivated. By using Oral history as a theoretical and methodological framework, three persons narrative are being constructed, explored and discussed throughout the thesis. All the interviewees define themselves as women and feminists and have all practised music in different separatist rock and pop-groups from 1970 to present. Themes as music as political action, and separatism for persons who define themselves as women are discussed. The tree informants agree about some feministic goals such as equality and the right to be able to play and perform music regardless of gender identity, although the means to reach these goals are formulated differently. .

The purpose of this thesis is, through both a quantitative and qualitative study, to map out how the interaction appears between the established parties and the radical right-wing party, the Sweden Democrat?s (SD) and their core issue ? immigration in the Swedish parliament. By applying analytical dimensions on the parliamentary protocols regarding the immigration issue between the years of 2010-2012 this study will get an insight on how the argumentation concerning immigration has developed since their entrance into the Swedish parliament in 2010. The result shows that SD, through the rejection treatment of the established parties, fulfilled the three conditions which accordingly to the study's theoretical framework are crucial for the party's future success. In the established parties? reception of SD regarding immigration, SD is, to a large extent, left unchallenged as the established parties rather focus on integration instead of challenge SD in the immigration issue.

This essay is a study of the government bills for a new grading scale in the Swedish schools. There have been many complaints about the current grading scale and the main problem seems to be that teachers are interpreting the criteria for certificates differently. There are two major challenges for Swedish teachers, one is how to interpret the criteria for certificates, the other one is the equality problem , students can not be sure of that two different teachers would give the same grades. The main point of the essay is to try to find out whether the new grading scale will solve this problem. To my help I have made an analysis of the bills of the Swedish government for the new grading scale.

The purpose of this thesis is, through both a quantitative and qualitative study, to map out how the interaction appears between the established parties and the radical right-wing party, the Sweden Democrat?s (SD) and their core issue ? immigration in the Swedish parliament. By applying analytical dimensions on the parliamentary protocols regarding the immigration issue between the years of 2010-2012 this study will get an insight on how the argumentation concerning immigration has developed since their entrance into the Swedish parliament in 2010. The result shows that SD, through the rejection treatment of the established parties, fulfilled the three conditions which accordingly to the study's theoretical framework are crucial for the party's future success. In the established parties? reception of SD regarding immigration, SD is, to a large extent, left unchallenged as the established parties rather focus on integration instead of challenge SD in the immigration issue.

Det finns mycket tidigare forskning kring könsrepresentation i media, dock är det inte alla medie-genrer som uppmärksammas och mode har ofta en marginaliserad roll i genusforskning. I denna uppsats undersöks hur den franska modetidningen Vogue Paris representerar ?la Parisienne? ? den parisiska kvinnan ? utifrån de två motsägande vetenskapsteorierna feminism och post-feminism. Syftet med denna uppsats är att bidra till den feministiska debatten kring mode och könsrepresentation i media och ge ny insikt kring hur modetidningen representerar kvinnan. Genom en kvalitativ innehållsanalys av olika modefotografi ur två nutida nummer av modetidningen som representerar ?la Parisienne?, med Roland Barthes semiotiska modell som metod, besvaras frågorna: hur representerar Vogue Paris ?la Parisienne? genom modefotografi; på vilket sätt (re)konstrueras myten om ?la Parisienne?, samt vad innefattar denna myt; hur kan denna representation/konstruktion uppfattas utifrån feminism respektive post-feminism; och slutligen, hur förhåller sig denna myt till den dominerande ideologin om kvinnlighet? I min undersökning kommer jag fram till att Vogue Paris konstruerar en motsägelsefull och kontrastfylld myt om ?la Parisienne?, som innefattar en innebörd som både feminin och sexuell men även naturlig och maskulin.

Denna fenomenografiska uppsats' syfte är att visa på olika synsätt på muslimsk jämlikhet. Den presenterar olika muslimers och två ickemuslimers synpunkter på förhållandet mellan islam och jämlikhet. Gemensam utgångspunkt för muslimerna är att islam är jämlikt.Frågeställningarna avhandlar hur författarna argumenterar för sin syn på förhållandet mellan islam och jämlikhet, vad jämlikhet är, vad de anser om slöjpåbud och västerländsk feminism. Uppsatsen visar på hur stor spännvidden är hos dem som menar att islam är en jämlik religion, samt några av de argument de använder för att hävda sin ståndpunkt.Min slutsats är att många använder korancitat, hadither och det tidiga islam som argument för sin syn på islam och jämlikhet, men att dessa lika gärna kan vändas emot dem då de är tvetydiga..

The aim of the current study was to examine the radical right-wing sympathizers in Sweden. To fulfill this aim, a quantitative case study on Sweden Democrats sympathizers was conducted. More specifically, this study has examined socio-economic backgrounds and political attitudes of the Sweden Democrat sympathizers. The results show that sympathizers of Sweden Democrats are higher among younger people and men. The results also show a higher support for Sweden Democrats among people with lower education and low income that also live in small towns and in the countryside.

In recent years the liberal representative democracy has been subject of a substantial critique because of its inability to accommodate difference and createa genuinely democratic political process. One such critique comes from the theory of deliberative democracy. Supporters of deliberative democracy try to promote a model of democracy that take its vantage point in free and equal deliberationbetween all relevant actors in a political community. This model has with some success opposed the aggregative model of democracy, and in important ways turned the attention to the potential of deliberative processes.However, the deliberative model is still somewhat underdeveloped when it comes to issues of diversity and difference. This essay deals with such deficiencies by analysing deliberative democracy in the light of the critiquelaunched by difference- and radical democrats.

In this paper I study the Austrian author Ingeborg Bachmann?s novel Malina (1971) from the perspective of Gérard Genette?s narrative theory and his notions of tense, mood and voice. In dialogue with earlier research on Malina I reflect over the last scene in the novel, what really happens there and how it matters for the rest of the novel. I give an account of feminist theories with focus on the annihilation of the female voice, the memory as theatre and the folklore tale as flight. The result is a more distinct perception of Bachmann?s skill, closeness and awareness as a writer and her use of Malina as contribution to the feminist debate and as a tool to find a place in the patriarchal world of intellectual, postwar Vienna. .