The purpose of this thesis is, through both a quantitative and qualitative study, to map out how the interaction appears between the established parties and the radical right-wing party, the Sweden Democrat?s (SD) and their core issue ? immigration in the Swedish parliament. By applying analytical dimensions on the parliamentary protocols regarding the immigration issue between the years of 2010-2012 this study will get an insight on how the argumentation concerning immigration has developed since their entrance into the Swedish parliament in 2010. The result shows that SD, through the rejection treatment of the established parties, fulfilled the three conditions which accordingly to the study's theoretical framework are crucial for the party's future success. In the established parties? reception of SD regarding immigration, SD is, to a large extent, left unchallenged as the established parties rather focus on integration instead of challenge SD in the immigration issue.

Relevansen av genus inom utvecklingsdiskursen är något som envist påpekats sedan en lång tid tillbaka. Idag betraktas jämställdhet som en av de högst prioriterade målsättningarna för västerländska biståndsgivare och redan 1995 fastslog OECD att jämställdhet var en huvudsaklig förutsättning för all utveckling. I denna uppsats granskas de policys avseende jämställdhet såsom de föreskrivs i OECDs officiella uttalanden. Utifrån dessa stadgor identifieras de diskursiva antaganden och underliggande uppfattningar om jämställdhet genom diskurs- och textanalys. Det är i första hand sättet som ojämställdhet representeras som ett politiskt problem som är av intresse inom denna studie. Särskild uppmärksamhet ägnas därför till sättet som policyföreskrifterna medverkar i konstituerandet av problemställningarna som de avser adressera.

This essay examines the recent electoral success of the Sweden Democrats (SD) in the Swedish municipal election in 2006 and 2010. By using statistical methods it aims to explain which of three contradicting theoretical frameworks best can explain how a populist radical right party could penetrate one of the most stable party systems in the world. The theoretical approaches tested in this essay are: a demand-side, an external supply-side and an internal supply-side approach. By using theoretically anchored proxies to determine the effect of the contradicting theoretical approaches this essay concludes that the internal supply-side explanation measuring the local party organizational ability of the SD had the most substantial effect when it comes to explaining their recent electoral success in the Swedish municipalities, as opposed to a more commonly believed demand-side driven explanation..

This field study examines how politically active radical feminists have reached their position in a group called Sällskapet. The aim of the study is to examine different paths, with the purpose to gain understanding of how to become a politically active radical feminist. Also, processes of social recognition on the field are examined; what is recognized and what taste preferences and behaviors gain a lower value? The different paths to the feminist position have been examined through a qualitative method consisting of a mixture of interviews and participant observations. The question if the position in Sällskapet requires specific experiences has been analyzed through Pierre Bourdieu?s theoretical framework, with a particular emphasis on the concept of habitus, symbolic- and cultural capital.

This essay analyzes the scripts of the swedish plays Jösses flickor! Befrielsen är nära (Jeez girls! Liberation is at hand) from 1974 and Jösses flickor ? återkomsten (Jeez girls ? the return) from 2006. The analysis is done within the theoretical framework of political and feministic theatre. The essay also includes a discourse analysis of the reviews that were written about the plays and the debates that followed.The result shows that the feministic discourse has changed primarily in two ways. In the 1970's there was a large confidence in the collective, in the 2000's focus has shifted to the individual and tointersectional perspectives.

Through the collection and analysis of negotiations surrounding the gay magazine Destroyer, the intention of this paper is to identify norms of sexuality within a contemporary sex-radical discourse. These negotiations are collected from interviews with individuals whom, at the time of the inter-view, consider themselves or their politics sex-radical. In order to allow for a more general under-standing of the context in which these negotiations have come about, material about Swedish law is also included in this text, together with the interview material, and serves as a base for analysis through the application of Gayle Rubin?s theory on the hierarchical value system of sexuality.Following, are the main themes throughout the paper: The meaning of the context; Sexualized children; The possibility to (not) participate: differences of power; The decision whether or not to sell the publication and The position of the pedophile and crossgenerational love/sexuality within the LGBTQ community.Key words: sex radicalism, pornography, boy-love, kiddy porn, pedophilia, Destroyer, Gayle Rubin..

Sammanfattning Hur framställs muslimska kvinnor i läroböcker framtagna att följa GY11? Det har varit denna uppsats huvudfrågeställning. Med utgångspunkt i ett teoriavsnitt som presenterar aktuellt forskningsläge kring muslimsk feminism framställdes en kodningsmanual som har använts som redskap för att analysera fem stycken läroböcker. Det som framförallt framkommer i den teoretiska utgångspunkten är kontextens betydelse och vikten av omtolkningar för att förstå islam på ett, för de muslimska feministerna, rätt sätt. Bilder, ord, meningar och uttryck för idéer har plockats ut och redovisats. Resultatet visar en spridd bild av förankring i forskning kring berörda ämne.

Offentliga diskurser har historiskt framställt feminitet och feminism som oförenliga med varandra. Feminitet framställs vanligen med en kvinna som besitter normativt feminina egenskaper, medan framställningen av feministen skildrat en radikal och manhaftig kvinna. Tidigare forskning visar att ordet feminist, för många individer, har en negativ laddning samt en otydlighet i innebörden av ordet. Detta speglar hur väl individen identifierar sig med feminism. Denna uppsats handlar om hur bloggaren UnderbaraClara, som aktör i den feministiska diskursen, på sin blogg positionerar sig till feminism och feminitet.

Relevansen av genus inom utvecklingsdiskursen är något som envist påpekats sedan en lång tid tillbaka. Idag betraktas jämställdhet som en av de högst prioriterade målsättningarna för västerländska biståndsgivare och redan 1995 fastslog OECD att jämställdhet var en huvudsaklig förutsättning för all utveckling.I denna uppsats granskas de policys avseende jämställdhet såsom de föreskrivs i OECDs officiella uttalanden. Utifrån dessa stadgor identifieras de diskursiva antaganden och underliggande uppfattningar om jämställdhet genom diskurs- och textanalys. Det är i första hand sättet som ojämställdhet representeras som ett politiskt problem som är av intresse inom denna studie. Särskild uppmärksamhet ägnas därför till sättet som policyföreskrifterna medverkar i konstituerandet av problemställningarna som de avser adressera.

In a world of ?formal organizations?, which is constantly exposed for institutionalized super standards and ideas of a what a modern orgnization should be like, the pressure for changes are strong. This is the environment in which Lund University finds itself. Ideas in the beginning of the 21-century is concerning a stronger emfasis on steering, centralisation, re-hieriarchyzation, standardised processes and a new regulation concerning internal control. Through theories of new institutionalism, with conceptions as organizational identity and the expectations of adapting to new ideas, can you track the translation and adaptation that the ideas go through at the university- a decentralised organization where not only freedom has been a concept for the academic parts, but also for the administration.

This study in Public Administration uses feminism and historical institutionalism toanalyze a highly debated contemporary policy problem that concerns genderequality in the policy of parental leave. The parental insurance was introduced in1974 with the governmental goal of gender equality. In 1974 only 0,5 percent of thenumber of days of parental benefit was paid to men. Today, 40 years later, the goalremains the same and the numbers of days of parental benefit paid to men are 24,8percent.The debate that has characterized the Swedish policy of parental insurance andspecifically the design of the parental benefit is the debate of freedom of choiceversus quota.Our study focuses on ideas and arguments that influence the policy of parentalbenefit. The study assumes, with basis in the theories of feminism and historicalinstitutionalism, that a policy like parental benefit is slow-moving and that pathdependency has lead to a slow development of gender equality..

The purpose of this paper is to examine and to analyze the arguments about a possible Swedish law against the veil. I have therefore highlighted how notions about the veil creates and reproduces power-structures and meaning-systems. I structured the arguments in a pro et contra schedule and then analyzed them by using a theoretical framework consisting post-colonial feminism, orientalism, multi-culture and intersectionality together with research produced by Joan Wallach Scott (2010), Pia Karlsson Minganti (2007) and Anne Sofie Roald (2003). The results of the study shows that the people who either argue for or against a veil-law agree that the veil is an oppression of women and that it must be resisted. To be objective in the discussion of the veil seems to be impossible and the women it affects deprived voice.

This essay aims to examine Martha Nussbaum's proposal for a classical defense of reform in liberal education and her critique of utility thinking in higher education. I want to explore how Nussbaum uses history to create an ethical alternative that cultivates both moral and intellectual virtues, which she considers to be crucial for the survival of democracy. In examining Nussbaum's use of Aristotle, I focus on her work as a proposal for institutional implementation of an Aristotelian epistemology and the cultivation of the individual as an ethical political subject. This study highlights the epistemological, educational and political ideas that form the basis of Nussbaum's ideals. I intend, however, to go beyond a contextualizing reading and thus establish a dialogue with a radical intersubjectivity to respond to Nussbaum's ambitions to recognize human vulnerabilities as assets for reason.

This essay investigates the results of participation by teenage girls in feminist groups, the so called girl groups. These groups are descendants of the awareness-raising groups of the 1970?s feminist movement. The essay assumes the relevance of theories of heteronormativity and performativity, as well as theories surrounding two different ways to organize girl groups. It is done either through the Pippi-feminism, named after strong independent book character Pippi Longstocking, or through the collective empowerment feminism.

AbstractAt a time when the discussion of feminism is hot in the media, in the schools and in the cottages so I have been interested in how feminist worlds order might look like and what are the roads there. There are plenty of barriers in the community, some of them you easily could influence.This essay problematize and define the problems behind the difficulties of reaching a feminist world order, but also the factors that are important to achieve this world order. How colonization that began several hundred years ago spread and secured the patriarchal society and its influence all the way to the society of today. But even more immediate factors, on how we ourselves are involved in shaping our society in terms of where we live, how we educate ourselves, and what jobs we choose. Status symbols in society as economics, profession and political influence are all to be reckoned with when it comes to influencing society.