Utgångspunkten för uppsatsen är att synliggöra erfarenheter av rasifiering som de upplevs i vardagen. Uppsatsen erbjuder en vidare förståelse av rasismens mekanismer och låter sig inte begränsas av den vedertagna definitionen av vad rasism innebär. Det empiriska materialet utgörs av tre reflexiva intervjuer med tre unga kvinnor i Skåne som kretsar kring deras personliga erfarenheter av vardagsrasism. Intervjuerna har analyserats med hjälp av diskursanalys och postkolonial teori för att öka förståelsen för hur den strukturella rasismen präglas av asymmetriska maktförhållanden. Den rasistiska diskursen positionerar kvinnorna och tillskriver dem egenskaper utifrån föreställda kulturella skillnader.

Trafficking är ett problem som ökat markant under de senaste decennierna i takt med det allt mer globaliserade samhället. Given den transnationella karaktären hos problemet, krävs det ett internationellt samarbete för att komma till en lösning på trafficking. Icke- statliga organisationernas arbete mot problemet är vitalt för att få ett slut på den moderna formen av slavhandel Vi gör en komparativ fallstudie över tre organisationer som, med olika intressen och syn på problemet, föreslår olika åtgärder. Genom denna fallstudie har vi som intention att se till hur dessa organisationers olika formuleringsprocesser snarare bidrar till konflikt än till samarbete. Dessa organisationer ställer vi i relation till FN, som vi menar kan verka som medlande part och ett instrument för organisationerna att få sina röster hörda..

För att öka energisäkerheten och garantera en rättvis och trygg energiförsörjning för alla medlemsländer har EU försökt skapa en gemensam energipolitik gentemot Ryssland. I empiridelen av vår kvalitativa fallstudie har vi dock kommit fram till att EU-ländernas olika relation till Ryssland försvårar för EU att hålla enad front gentemot Ryssland.Vi har valt att använda oss av teorierna neofunktionalism och intergovernmentalism för att analysera förutsättningarna för en gemensam europeisk energipolitik gentemot Ryssland. Vi har funnit att båda dessa teorier hjälper till att förklara samarbetets utfall hittills och hur samarbetets framtida förutsättningar ser ut.Vår slutsats är att EU kan lyckas med ambitionen om en gemensam energipolitik gentemot Ryssland om fler av medlemsstaterna, speciellt de större och mer inflytelserika, är villiga att engagera sig i frågan. Om hotet om energibrist skulle bli mer överhängande eller om Rysslands beteende i energifrågan skulle bli mer oberäkneligt ökar också chanserna för ett lyckat samarbete..

Regeringens ministrar är tillsatta för att förvalta på de mest skilda ansvarsområden. Den här uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka ministrar utifrån teoretiskt uppställda bakgrundsegenskaper. Vanligast är det att man blir minister först i 50 års ålder. Under sina liv har ministrarna hunnit skaffa sig gedigna yrkes- och livserfarenheter. Det finns de ministrar som väljer den politiska vägen till ministerposten.

The aim of this study is to try to explain the process using both an actor driven perspective as well as a structural perspective examining the reasons why the County Council of Värmland wants to merge with Region Västra Götaland. The answers to the following research questions are sought to shed light on the problem: What constrained the discretion of  the political actors in the choice of region to merge with? Which role did  different political actors play? Does the study provide Game Theory, from Rational Choice theory,  and Path Dependency, from Historic Institutionalism, a new perspective and strength especially  when bringing them together? The study is limited to two policy areas, health care and regional development policy. The structural background is drawn upon the Annual Report 2008 of the County Council Värmland, the Regional Development Program and Regional Transport Infrastructure Plan 2010-2021 by Region Värmland. The chronological order of decisions and events is drawn upon protocols from various regional political organs all linked to the municipal of Värmland and the correspondence between the officials of Värmland?s municipal and the Legal, Financial and Administrative Services Agency of the State.

The object of this essay is to discuss the relationship between the definition of the concept of gender equality and attitudes towards gender equality and their consequences for gender equality measures. The point of departure is feminist political theory and interviews about attitudes towards gender equality at a department at the University of Linköping. The conclusions of this study is that there are a wide range of definitions and attitudes, and these conceptions are not necessarily the same as those being pointed out in the official gender equality policy at the University of Linköping. In this study the opinions of measures for gender equality among the interviewed are widely spread. Some finding Swedish men and women already being equal and therefore there is no need for measures, since this would result in discrimination of men since women would gain advantages from being women.

In this thesis we investigate the level of deliberative democracy in the current implementation of the 24/7 Agency in the local government. We are interested in how the combination of the two seemingly opposing ideals of Demokratiutredningen and the 24/7 Agency is solved. Our analysis is based on interviews with civil servants from three kommuner in Skåne and a schematic overview of their websites. As a theoretical framework we use New Public Management Theory, Deliberative Democracy Theory, and Citizen Theory.We have found that the local 24/7 Agency is initiated and implemented by public servants. Their experiences and worldview is mirrored in both process and result.

This thesis aims at studying the European Union?s actions against applicant states. In this case Turkey has been chosen as a variable, because of its unique applying accession.Turkey is a country which has been applying for a membership of the European Union since 1989 and Turkey is the only state which has been searching for membership for more than twenty years. Turkey has been given a lot of critic of not fulfilling the political criteria of the Copenhagen criteria?s.

Den här politisktfilosofiska texten syftar till att undersöka den normativa problematiken kring migration i den Europeiska Unionen. För att göra det på bästa sätt har två primära frågeställningar ställts. Den första (Vilka normativa värderingar finns det att ta hänsyn till i migrationsfrågan?) är en normativ argumentationsanalys som syftar till att gå på djupet och försöka ringa in alla de premisser som gäller för öppna visavi stängda gränser samt de konsekvenser som kan följa av respektive sakförhållande.Den andra delen av uppsatsen syftar till att reda ut vilka normativa premisser som ligger till grund för de EU-beslut som tas i migrationsfrågor, men huvudsakligt fokus på utomeuropeisk immigration.Slutsatsen i arbetet är dels att migration är en synnerligen komplex fråga där man måste ta hänsyn till en mängd vitt skilda etiska och praktiskpolitiska premisser som ofta står i direkt motsatsförhållande, dels att EU: s migrationspolicys i hög grad styrs av partikulära moraliska värderingar..

The aim of this thesis is to discover facts about the Sweden democrats by looking at statistics of five different municipalities. The main question at issue is: What can you say about the Sweden democrat's voters by researching the voter statistics of the voter districts in the municipalities. The five municipalities who are the object of the study are, Helsingborg, Hässleholm, Landskrona, Svedala and Trelleborg.The Method for this thesis is a case study of five municipalities in Skåne. I have been researching the voterstatistics in the local voterdistricts of 2002 and 2006. I have compared The Sweden democrats with the Social democrats, the conservative party (Moderaterna), and the liberal party (Folkpartiet Liberalerna).The theories that this thesis is based on are voterbehaviour and rightwing-party theories.The Results are that one can not see any signs of the Sweden democrat's success being a result of a far-reaching right wave.

This Masters Thesis is about the Swedish National Council for Cultural Affairs and the arms length principle. The principle is used to explain the separation of power between two parts with a common interest. The main purpose is to elucidate if, and if so in what way, the arms length principle can be used to explain the relation between the National Council for Cultural Affairs and the Ministry of Education and Culture, i.e. the Swedish government, but also to examine the structures of power and relations within the Council. In the thesis we show that in the field of cultural policy the content of the arm lengths principle varies due to the many interpretations of the meaning.

The purpose of this thesis is to study how homosexuals and homosexuality were represented in the press during the trials against the Pentecostal pastor Åke Green, and to what kind of social representations and narratives these representations can be related.Using critical discourse analysis and theories about the differentiation between in- and outgroups I try to unveil implicit meanings and attitudes towards gay people mainly at the local text level. The material consists of articles in Ölandsbladet and Dagens Nyheter that were produced before, during and after the trials.The analysis suggests that homosexuals are construed as a deviant outgroup and that the majority, the ingroup, is presented as an essentially heterosexual, tolerant community. Homosexuality is wrong and heterosexuality is the right way of living. Homosexuals, in terms of group lobbyism, are construed as an enemy, a threat, against Western ideals such as family values and freedom of speech. They indirectly become a threat to Swedish democracy.

The point of departure for this essay is the observation that themunicipality of Lund is giving priority to handicap associations overother forms of associations. This act can be regarded as trespassinginto the realm of civil society. In respect of this, two aspects appearto be particularly interesting to explore. The first is to determinewhich perspective of freedom the municipality of Lund holds. Ireconstruct how the liberal and the communitarian state relate to thenegative and the positive freedom.

The Swedish emigrants, in 1901-1904, were displeased with their home country, so they moved to America with hope to find a better life. Even though they were displeased they still had a great love for their home country and tried to either create a ?new Sweden? (the Swedish-Americans), or they traveled back to their families, hopefully with savings big enough to buy their own home. Sweden did not have a homestead act like the Americans did, which probably is the biggest reason to the emigration. There was also the question of each individual?s right to vote.

ABSTRACTBjelkenbrant, Pernilla, 2006: ANC-galan i Göteborg 1985: en analys av sången Soweto som politisk mobilisering (The ANC gala in Gothenburg in 1985: an analysis of the song Soweto as a means of political mobilisation)The political scientists Abdul Karim Bangura, Ove Nordenmark and Tor Sellström, all believe that there, during the 1980s, existed a strong and unified ?Swedish? attitude against the South African apartheid system, and Sellström points out that this position had a strong anchorage in the ANC gala in Gothenburg in 1985. Over the past few years, singing has been identified as playing a crucial role in the struggle against apartheid. The aim of this study is twofold: firstly it presents a comprehensive discussion on how song is generally considered a tool of political mobilisation, secondly it discusses how that process can be applied to the ANC-gala. Consequently, the theoretical discussion constitutes the initial part of the study.