This study?s aim was to explore how the social media Twitter is used by Swedish political leaders and how they manage the relationship between having both private and public conversations in a new public sphere, the social sphere. In Sweden, studies in this area are yet to grow. We achieved our aim by responding to our three questions at the issue: What kind of content is published in each of the politicians Twitter stream? Are the politicians private or public persons on Twitter? Are the politicians using Twitters interactive functions? We conducted our analysis by performing a quantitative content analysis.

The aim of this thesis is to form a theory of the green consumer power and to distinguish whether this phenomenon could indicate a movement toward the ecological citizenship. To do so, scientific theories regarding the responsibility of companies have been used, as well as the public choice theory, to link individuals as citizens to individuals as consumers. The motives of corporate environmental responsibility, along with consumers ability to bring pressure in different dimensions, are later drawn on as indicators applied to empirical information. The largest producer of ecological products in Sweden, Arla Foods, is employed as case study to explore if the green consumer power can and does exist. The ecological citizenship uses the ecological footprint, to define in what ways we can minimize our part of environmental degradation.The study seems to strengthen the theory, consumers do have a power to make companies go green and they tend to use it increasingly.

The Swedish working-class author Ivar Lo-Johansson (1901-1990) wrote a collection of one hundred short stories between the years 1968-1972. His other productions, generally speaking, have partially different social reform purposes, but, according to himself, these short stories were written with the intention to be totally free of tendencies (even though he himself doubted that he succeeded with this).During the same period that these short stories were published, the Swedish social democrats were under the challenge of radical movements that, mainly on the radical left?s ideological foundation, had a relatively strong influence in Sweden, among other countries, from the mid 1960?s to the late 1970?s. Since Lo-Johansson mainly seemed to have supported the politics of the social democrats, the purpose of the investigation in this thesis has been to see if he ? in the three short stories: Vikingakärlek (1970), Rikslögnaren (1971) and Ansgars resa till Sverige (1972) ? is conveying an ideological use of history and basic political values that were used by the social democratic party during this time period.

The municipality of Olofström is intensifying the co-operation with Sölvesborg and Karlshamn, the two other municipalities in the west of Blekinge. They co-operate in two local federations and for the moment negotiations are going on about a third local federation in continuation school, but the municipalities do not agree. The aim of this thesis is to examine why Olofström co-operate with Sölvesborg and Karlshamn, if there are any problems and where the limit of this co-operation is. The method in the thesis is qualitative interviews with local politicians and officials and an actor-structure-perspective is used. The result shows that Olofström is a municipality where the population is decreasing, and it has lost state subsidy during the last decade.

Demokrati är ett omhuldat begrepp som är svårt att definiera och har otydliga avgränsningar. Detta medför svårigheter vid kontrollen av hur demokratisk den svenska förvaltningen är. Avsaknaden av ett verktyg för att undersöka verksamheten ur ett demokratiskt perspektiv gör att demokratigranskningen har svårt att få samma förutsättningar som en ekonomirevision.Denna uppsats har som syfte att granska om en kontroll av demokratiska värden sker och hur den ser ut. Uppsatsen bygger på en fördjupad granskning av revisionen i Malmö stad.Studien har grundat sig på analys av tidigare forskning och textanalys av befintliga dokument som styr den kommunala revisionen samt intervjuer med i ämnet insatta personer.Vi fann att det förekommer en demokratisk kontroll i Malmö stad, men att den saknar en tydlig demokratidefinition som kunde vara ett verktyg för att ytterligare utveckla hur en sådan kontroll ska se ut. Denna otydlighet återfinns i de regleringar som styr den kommunala revisionen, varför vi efterlyser en levande demokratidiskussion..

The aim of the current study was to examine the radical right-wing sympathizers in Sweden. To fulfill this aim, a quantitative case study on Sweden Democrats sympathizers was conducted. More specifically, this study has examined socio-economic backgrounds and political attitudes of the Sweden Democrat sympathizers. The results show that sympathizers of Sweden Democrats are higher among younger people and men. The results also show a higher support for Sweden Democrats among people with lower education and low income that also live in small towns and in the countryside.

The creation of Region Skåne, and the transfer of the development responsibility from the national administrative country board (Länsstyrelsen) has given the state new challenges. New structures have grown between Region and State, and also between different municipalities. These can be characterized as Policy-networks, and the goal of this study is to analyze the planning process of the regional infrastructure with these theories.This is a qualitative study of the infrastructure process in Skåne, and the actors that acts within this process. It has been studied with the eyes of the theories of Governance and Policy-networks. The main method to collect material has been through interviews with different actors within the process, and very little written material has been used.

Människors livsmönster är idag inte lika förutsägbara som förr, ålder kön och klass är inte det enda som styr våra livsval längre vilket gör det svårare att planera utifrån sådana parametrar. Det skapas nya gemenskaper på nya grunder när den digitala tekniken gör det möjligt att kommunicera oberoende av geografisk närhet. Samtidigt är folk mer benägna att flytta, dels för att studera eller hitta nya arbetsplatser men också för att upptäcka nya saker och utveckla sig själva. Att världen är föränderlig är i sig inget nytt, men globaliseringen, informationssamhället och den ökade konkurrens som de medför, leder till ett ökat behov för platser/regioner att faktiskt anpassa sig till de nya villkor som förändringarna medför och visa att man innehar attraktivitet. Att ha visioner och strategier som skapar förutsättningar för människors varierande livsstilar och livsmönster, samt att marknadsföra och kommunicera detta såväl inåt som utåt tycks bli allt viktigare..

Det här arbetet består av en djupgående fallstudie av FN:s roll i Kambodjas demokratiseringsprocess, där fokus ligger på den stora interventionen som skedde i början av 1990-talet. Arbetet är till stor del av deskriptiv karaktär där vi försöker reda ut händelseförloppen i Kambodja efter Röda Khmerernas fall. Vår utvärdering av FN:s insats är att den har haft en stor påverkan på landet, men att man inte till fullo lyckades uppnå den långsiktiga demokratin som var FN:s intention. En förklaring till varför man inte lyckades skapa demokrati i ett längre perspektiv, kan förklaras utifrån de organisatoriska brister som fanns, men även FN:s rädsla att bedriva det ledarskap man ålagts genom fredsavtalen. Vi kommer att utgå från ett koncept om ?peace-maintenance?, som innebär ett helhetsperspektiv, där vi konstaterar att FN hade kunnat förbättra vissa punkter för att åstadkomma ett bättre resultat..

AbstractGlobalisation has lead to changes on many levels of our society; -industrial, technological, and corporate to name a few. This is an ongoing process which affects the society we live in today. The process is affecting the working-conditions for everyone through the changes of the relations on the working market. The unions have enjoyed a very special role in Sweden for a long time, but that role is now affected by these changes. The relationship between state and unions is changing, and the unions? influence in politics is decreasing.

Olof Palme var en av de ledande kritiska ro?sterna under Vietnamkriget. Go?ran Perssons ro?st var betydligt fo?rsiktigare under Irakkriget. Vad beror det pa? att tva?statsministrar som representerar samma land och samma parti kan go?ra tva? sa?fundamentalt olika sta?llningstaganden? Genom att va?ga externa, interna och individuella faktorer mot varandra har vianalyserat Palmes och Perssons personliga sta?llning i svensk utrikespolitik.Vi har visat att Olof Palme och Go?ran Persson a?r mycket olika som individer och att dessa skillnader a?terspeglas i den utrikespolitik som formulerades.Eftersom vi visar att ba?de Olof Palme och Go?ran Persson har handlat kognitivtkonsistent i formulerandet av utrikespolitiken menar vi att ba?de Palme och Persson direkt pa?verkat utformningen av svensk utrikespolitik.Vi visar ocksa? att den fo?rda svenska utrikespolitiken i ho?g grad sta?mmero?verens med Palmes och Perssons egna utrikespolitiska ma?l vilket sta?rker va?ra slutsatser..

This essay is about the Northern Ireland Conflict and the Belfast Agreement. Its focus is on the development in Northern Ireland politics after the implementationof the Agreement which was ratified in a referendum. The essay is a case studywhich analyzes the progress towards an Assembly Government and powersharingbetween the unionists and the nationalists/republicans. The development is analyzed with Robert D. Putnam's theory of Two-Level Games? The essay first analyzes the changes in the unionist society where the opinion towards the agreement has been negative which depends on the concessions made by the unionist.

The Swedish working-class author Ivar Lo-Johansson (1901-1990) wrote a collection of one hundred short stories between the years 1968-1972. His other productions, generally speaking, have partially different social reform purposes, but, according to himself, these short stories were written with the intention to be totally free of tendencies (even though he himself doubted that he succeeded with this).During the same period that these short stories were published, the Swedish social democrats were under the challenge of radical movements that, mainly on the radical left?s ideological foundation, had a relatively strong influence in Sweden, among other countries, from the mid 1960?s to the late 1970?s. Since Lo-Johansson mainly seemed to have supported the politics of the social democrats, the purpose of the investigation in this thesis has been to see if he ? in the three short stories: Vikingakärlek (1970), Rikslögnaren (1971) and Ansgars resa till Sverige (1972) ? is conveying an ideological use of history and basic political values that were used by the social democratic party during this time period.

Uppsatsens resultat består i att vi har kommit fram till att det finns en rad faktorer som föranlett de ändringar som i konstitutionen föreslås rörande EU:s yttre förbindelser. Dessa faktorer har sin grund i de handlingar som konventets arbetsgrupp VII har lagt fram. Här framkommer problematik i det nuvarande systemet samtidigt som en rad förändringar föreslås. Problematiken berör i samtliga fall ineffektivitet och osamstämmighet i institutionerna, men också avsaknaden av gemenskap och solidaritet medlemsstaterna emellan. Arbetet utgår således från en tudelad frågeställning och metod, där uppsatsens första del är empiriskt beskrivande medan den andra delen har en mer analyserande och utredande karaktär.

Since the 1970`s the Non Governmental Organisations, NGO:s, have taken an increasing responsibility in the development cooperation work. Apart from an increase in resources delivered through the NGO:s it is also obvious in various official documents that the idea of NGO:s in regards to; reaching and involving poor people in the work and as capable of delivering aid resources to a low cost, is very widely spread and commonly accepted among political decision makers and aid agencies. In addition it?s very seldom that those positive statements about the NGO:s abilities, are backed by any kind of scientific study. This study argues that the ascribed abilities are more the rhetoric of a political idea than an empirical reality.