It is estimated that approximately 10 000 people are living in Sweden after having been rejected residence permit or asylum, meaning that they have to hide from the authorities while facing a risk of being deported by means of violence as they do not wish to leave voluntarily.For their existence, a vast number of people employed by the public administration can be expected to contribute to the wellbeing of the hidden people through their professions as bureaucrats.The bureaucrats can thereby be expected to be torn between different sets of value systems, roles and obligations towards the state and towards the hidden people.In this master thesis, I examine how five bureaucrats motivate their acting for the sake of the hidden people in terms of legitimacy, legality and morality in their administration, towards their ethic responsibilities and towards society as a whole.The results show that the bureaucrats see themselves as saviours of ethical values in an illegitimate administration where economic efficacy and arbitrary decision-making constantly transgresses The Human Rights, ratified by the Swedish Parliament..

The health care is an important part of the welfare services in Sweden. Therefore it is of large interest that it is well performing. A part of this is related to how the health care is organized. This essay examines how the Swedish health care has been organized between 1960 and 1990 and what organizational changes that have been made to the health care. It shows that the Swedish health care has un-dergone many organizational changes the last decades.

De senaste decennierna har sjukvården förändrats. Förändringsarbetet är inspirerat av New Public Management genom införandet av reformer. Teorier och organisatoriska modeller som fungerat bra inom det privata näringslivet har applicerats på organisationer inom den offentliga sektorn, vilket medfört en ökad admininistrativ arbetsbörda. Verksamhetsreformen gjorde det möjligt för andra yrkesgrupper än läkare att ta plats inom högre ledande positioner inom offentlig svensk sjukvård. Förändringarna inom sjukvården har krockat med den medicinska professionen.

This study aims at contributing to the studies of political implementation. The theory of implementation claims that local implementation that meets the demands of national policies is close to none existing. By examining the implementation of industrial policy in two Swedish municipalities that differs in location, prosperity and political believes I am putting the theory to the test. If the test were to show that the implementation is rather well executed in these two cases, where the risk of failure is great, the questions about whether the theory is valid or not will rise.By interviewing the two local government employees in charge of the work with industrial policy, and studying their strategic documents I got my answers. This by looking at their work but also their attitudes towards the national policy in terms of understanding the policy, being able to work with it, and wanting to work with it.

AbstractThis thesis analyzes the Russian Foreign Policy Doctrine from a broad theoretical perspective, with the aim of describing and explaining the doctrine using a number of theoretical approaches. Russia's foreign policy has undergone substantial changes since Vladimir Putin became president in the year 2000, involving a radical shift in foreign policy objectives and thereby moving away from the more confrontational and distrusting policies which characterized the Boris Jeltsin regime. Putins doctrine, based on pragmatism and seeking partnership and collaboration with the West, can be described as a near revolutionary re-orientation of Russia's foreign policy guidelines, meaning a transformation of the country's self image which implies a rejection of great power status and a search for a new role in the international community.Our thesis has examined explanatory variables such as the domestic political situation in Russia, the contemporary international system and President Vladimir Putins system of beliefs in order to describe and explain the doctrine. Our results show that the doctrine is largely a product of Putins personality, values and beliefs, but also to a large extent a consequence of necessities, namely the poor Russian economy and the fact that the country no longer can withstand an all out conflict with the West involving an excessive arms race.Keywords: Vladimir Putin, pragmatism, realism, domestic politics, radical change..

Behovet av oberoende kontroll har ökat i och med New Public Managements spridning. I Sverige fanns före inrättandet av Riksrevisionen inget nationellt revisionsorgan som levde upp till internationella idéer angående oberoende kontroll. I reformen av kontrollmakten användes och anpassades idéerna till den svenska kontexten. Denna anpassning resulterade i en unik organisering mellan det nya revisionsorganet och riksdagen. En politiskt tillsatt styrelse fick i uppgift att utgöra länk mellan Riksrevisionen och riksdagen.

Valen 2006 var de första fria valen i den Demokratiska Republiken Congo sedan självständigheten på 1960-talet. Med valen föddes hopp om ett demokratiskt styre och en fred. Vår uppsats är en fallstudie av Congo utifrån kvalitativ textanalys. Vi försöker besvara frågan om valen har haft någon betydelse för en demokratisering, samt om de har haft någon effekt på ett fredsbyggande. Detta gör vi genom att analysera valen utifrån viktiga demokratiska kriterier, och genom teorier om vilken roll demokratisering kan ha i konfliktlösning.

Populism has been an integral part of the Finnish political system since the late 1950's. At that time the Agrarian Populist Party, better known as The Rural Party, emerged and thrived for decades until the party financially broke down in the 1990's. Reemerging on the political scene as the True Finns, the party is more radical and more influential than ever, gaining enough support to be the third largest party of the 2011 parliamentary election. Sweden, Finland?s neighbor, in contrast has a history with very little populist presence or radical right populist parties (RRP-parties).

AbstraktBegreppet främlingsfientlig använd's ofta i media om Sverigedemokraterna efter valframgångarna 2006. Indirekt ger detta väljarna samma stämpel. Är det främlingsfientlighet som får väljarna att rösta på partiet? Är det något annat väljarna vill ha sagt med sina röster? Vad tror Sverigedemokraterna's politiker är anledningen bakom framgången? Det vill jag ta reda på i denna uppsat's.För att uppnå syftet att få väljarna's uppfattning har jag genomfört ett femtiotal intervjuer där mer än hälften har varit Sverigedemokrater. Elva personer är dessutom ledande politiker inom partiet.

Vårt undersökta problem är brytningen när en kvinna inträder i en mansdominerad organisation och vi har därför valt att studera svensk polis. Syftet är att studera vad som förändras, hur det förändras och de kausala mekanismerna bakom förändringen.Vi har utifrån ett kultur-, och genusperspektiv intervjuat poliser av båda könen för att få en inblick i hur de upplever förändringar inom organisationen som en följd av en ökad andel kvinnor.Studien visar att den manliga normen fortfarande är stark inom kåren, men även att ett mjukare förhållningssätt uppvärderats hos både manliga och kvinnliga poliser. De kausala mekanismerna bakom förändringen visade sig vara flera, men främst visade sig kvinnors blotta närvaro och imitation vara av stor betydelse..

The object of this paper is concerned with the subject youth and politics. The aim of the paper is to study what influence our today modern societies has between two social landscapes, Greece and Sweden and try to give an explanation to why young peoples political engagement is different in the two countries. To fulfil my aim of this paper I have used a few questions, these questions will give me an insight in how young people look at politics, what their interests are and if they feel that they can and ought to act political. The theoretical starting points I?ve used I?ve chosen with reflection to look at the social landscape we live in and its changes over time.

Vid invigningscermonin till den internationella brottmålsdomstolen, ICC, lovordades den av FN:s Generalsekreterare, trots att den är uppbyggd på en multilateral traktat och inte är en FN-inrättning. Enligt vår mening, finns det dock faktorer som påverkar ICC:s möjlighet att verka som en effektiv och oberoende domstol. I Romstadgan regleras relativt komplicerade jurisdiktionsgrunder för ICC, vilket beror på att stadgan är frukten av otaliga kompromisser stater emellan. Vidare regleras ett förhållande mellan ICC och FN:s Säkerhetsråd. Förhållandet kan beskrivas som att Säkerhetsrådet är en hegemon i förhållande till ICC.

The aim of this study is to analyze the change of Basque nationalism during the last ten years and discuss how the main nationalist party (PNV) tries to impose "we"- feelings and support for its cause. Theories of nationalism and national identity are used in the analysis.A textual analysis of PNV:s unofficial documents is discussed and compared with a discourse analysis of its official documents. Although the unofficial documents deal with similar view of basic political/territorial ambitions, language and identification, there are some differences in the latest documents regarding the view of who is defined as Basque and also to the detoriated relation to Spain. Although references are made to the regard that the Basque Country is for everyone, the persistence of emphasizing the uniqueness and myths of the Basque culture signals a different matter. The discourse analysis of the official documents supports this claim and although they contain an ambiguous relation to Spain it is clear that Basque nationalism has been radicalized.

Den här uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka vilken iransk identitet som skapas av landets ledning och på så sätt bidra till förståelsen av den iranska politiken. Frågeställningen är: "Hur ser den identitet ut som konstrueras av det iranska ledarskapet genom deras offentliga tal gällande kärnkraftsfrågan?". Frågan besvaras utifrån ett konstruktivistiskt perspektiv och med Laclaus och Mouffes diskursteori som metod. Analysen består av en kartläggning av ekvivalenskedjorna för Vi, "Den iranska nationen", och De Andra, "Irans Fiender".

The European Union's long-term budget negotiations during the summer of 2005 were obstructed from being successful due to a quite fierceful debate about the future guidelines of the Common Agricultural Policy. A quarrel about money and who gets what, was the common answer as to why it took the European leaders six months to accept the budget, and quite rightfully. This essay, however, goes beneath those explanations and tries to see what other reasons there might be for such a phenomena.With a new institutionalistic approach this study seeks to see what underlying reasons for why an institution such as CAP is so resistant to change. With special attention to the new historical institutionalism and the rational choice institutionalism the study successfully shows that though the front laying reasons to the problems with the budget might have been economical, several other factors also affected the outcome of the budget negotiations.Structures, national identity and decisions taken when outlining the Common Agricultural Policy in the 1960's still affect the European union, its members and foremost of all, the Policy/institution itself..