Hur kan Uganda, ett fattigt och konfliktfyllt land, ha vänt sin HIV/AIDS-kurva medan HIV/AIDS i Botswana, ett resursrikt och stabilt land, formligen har exploderat? För närvarande finns inga säkra svar om vilken åtgärd som var avgörande för minskningen. Vi framlägger i vår studie tesen att det civila samhället har betydelse vid HIV/AIDS-bekämpning och bör inkluderas i HIV/AIDS-arbetet. Vi framlägger även att för en lyckad HIV/AIDS-bekämpning krävs interaktion och samarbete mellan det civila samhället och staten samt det internationella givarsamfundet. Detta då det civila samhällets funktioner är beroende av staten och det internationella givarsamfundet.Vår metod är separata fallstudier av ländernas HIV/AIDS-policys.

The current debate regarding organizational strategies for sustainabledevelopment is influenced by the theory of global governance. Decentralizedstructures of the global society are taken to use in the realization of a sustainabledevelopment. New roles of transnational networks and partnerships raisesquestions of the ability of global governance to co-ordinate and implement longtermsolutions without assistance from centralized and hierarchic structures basedon government. The aim for this thesis is to illustrate the current conditions forwell-functioning networks of sustainable development and examine therelationship between global governance and government. Issues of participation,decision making and compliance are examined by a case study of the Marrakechprocess, a global process to support the implementation of sustainableconsumption and production.

Children that are taken care of for institutional care by the social services are unprivileged as a group. When society takes over the parenting role, it forces local governments and other accountable authorities to guarantee these children satisfactory support and good care according to each child's needs. The aim of this thesis is to analyze and discuss problems with implementation in policy processes when authorities incorporate. From the normative standpoint of legal security and the United Nations Children's Convention, this thesis investigates the consequences of interaction between two Swedish supervisory authorities for the social services: Socialstyrelsen and länsstyrelserna. To fulfill the aim I will investigate the approach taken by the authorities and the work division between Socialstyrelsen and länsstyrelserna.

This essay concerns the issue of democracy and judicial review. The main focus is on the justification of both a positive and a negative attitude towards judicial review, and the values these justifications are based on. The analysis is made by textual analysis of four authors with different opinions of the subject matter: Robert Dahl and Jeremy Waldron who has a negative attitude towards judicial review, and Erwin Chemerinsky and Ronald Dworkin who are positive about it. In the analysis an analytic frame is used which consists of different dimensions and aspects of the problem of democracy and judicial review. The study shows that there are important differences in democratic values between a positive and a negative justification of judicial review.

A violent conflict emerged in the Indonesian province of Aceh in 1976, with the rebels of the Free Aceh Movement, GAM, on one side, and the Indonesian government on the other. GAM demanded Aceh to become independent, but the Indonesian government did not accept their nationalistic claims. The conflict therefore lasted for almost thirty years, and many civilians were killed during this period. This essay deals with this particular conflict; its causes and its solution. In the centre of the analysis we find theidentity of the Acehnese people, and the way in which this identity has beenconstructed and re-constructed throughout the history.

The purpose of this study is to examine how parliament executes its responsibility of oversight against the government. In Sweden, parliamentary oversight of the government rests with a standing committee of parliament known as the constitutional committee.Drawing on general principal-agent theory I construct a model in which members of the constitutional committee are seen as agents in double and conflicting agency assignments. This constitutes a problem for the agent. Since it is the party group in parliament that controls the fulfilment of the agents? objectives, the agent is presumed to follow the party assignment to the detriment of the parliament assignment.The model generates two hypotheses concerning they type of oversight we should expect the members of the constitutional committee to perform against the government.

This essay concerns the notion of how immigration politics, defined as a political discursive structure that explains and justifies how and why the movement of people into a state's territory is restricted and controlled, has come to present its purpose not as solidarity with the 'immigrants' wanting to enter the state but as a protective measure for the state's citizens. By using discourse theory combined with theories from the International Relations field I attempt to explain why and how such a discourse positions 'immigrants' as a threat to the state.First, I concentrate on why an immigration politics discourse would position 'immigrants' as a threat. I argue that in order for people to construct their identity, the 'outside' what they "are not" has to be repressed. In the same way, the state has to dislocate the "outside" and create threats to uphold its supremacy. These boundaries are set to create a feeling of predictability and security, and ultimately they are a way of making peoples' "world" coherent.

Vi gör en jämförelse av två teorier som båda behandlar hanteringen av etniska konflikter i plurala samhällen. Dessa två teorier - Consociational Democracy och Transversal Politics, är varandras motsatser och har båda implementerats i etniskt splittrade samhällen. Consociational Democracy som förespråkar mellanetnisk interaktion, har tillämpats i bland annat Bosnien- Hercegovina. Transversal Politics, som har tillämpats i Rwanda, förordar istället icke-etniska politiska plattformer. Båda dessa länder upplevde etniska rensningar under 90-talet, och har sedan dess präglats av försonings- och demokratiseringsprocesser med stor internationell närvaro.

Den biståndspolitiska världen är oerhört komplex och inte tillräckligt ifrågasatt.De centrala aktörerna som har makten i utvecklingen av biståndsdiskursen harhaft en övertro på sig själva. Framförallt har det rått en omedvetenhet och en bristpå engagemang i frågor som gäller den framtida utvecklingen ibiståndsmottagande länder. Det är ytterst viktigt att lyfta fram hurutvecklingsländer har exploatera's och utnyttjat's av västvärlden samt den oviljasom har funnit's att sopa ihop skärvorna av det som krossat's. Även omovanstående problematik i vis's mån existerar än idag, har det internationellagivarsamfundet enat's om en utveckling som tendera att leda biståndspolitiken irätt riktning.I Moçambique har en ny utvecklingsstrategi inom bistånd och korruption tagitform. Parisdeklarationen och FN:'s korruptionskonvention utgör tillsamman's medOECD och det internationella givarsamfundet den kraft som skall mobiliseralandet till ekonomisk självständighet.

This case study explores the question of implementation and steering in a society of governance. As an empirical example, a reform concerning the reception of separated refugee children in Sweden is used. As of the 1st of July 2006 the responsibility for providing housing for separated children lies with the local governments rather than with the Swedish Board of Migration, aiming to improve the children's situation. However, implementing this amendment has turned out to be a harder task than expected. Traditionally, the relationship between state and local actors is seen in terms of state steering or local self-government.

Från 1979 till 2004 kan tre faser i den iranska republikens postrevolutionäraera identifieras, ofta refererade till som ?de tre republikerna?. Den förstarepubliken inleddes med den islamska revolutionen och avslutades medKhomeinis död 1989. Den andra präglades av konsolideringen av de statligainstitutionerna under president Hashemi Rafsanjanis styre från 1989 till1997. Den tredje inleddes med en överraskande presidentseger för denreformvänlige Mohammad Khatami 1997 till 2004.Denna uppsats har sökt svara på frågan vad för sorts islamsk republikIran har utvecklats till under sitt första kvartal och hur de politiskamaktspänningarna har sett ut och förändrats under denna period.Vi har utgått från Juan Linz kriterier om vad som karaktäriserar enauktoritär regim, men på grund av det iranska systemets inneboendespänningar som lagstadgats i konstitutionen och på grund av den maktkampsom bedrivits inom de politiska institutionerna mellan semidemokratiskaförespråkare och semidiktatoriska, så har vi varit tvungna att vidga vårtresonemang..

The regime theory is the dominant paradigm in the studies of urban politics in USA. It provides a set of concepts to analyse the change from government to governance in the American local politics. The regime theory postulates that governing power in local government tends to be highly fragmented. The private sector has with its control of economic resources a major influence in shaping governing decisions. In this essay I study the regime theory in a Swedish context to investigate if the theory is pertinent when studying of Swedish local governance.

Demokrati är en grundsten i vårt politiska samhälle och med detta tillkommer ettkrav på ett visst mått av inflytande i den politik som förs. Vi tar med stöd ilitteraturen ett normativt ställningstagande för att detta inflytande, i form avinternt demokratiska partier, är något viktigt och värdefullt. Med denna uppsatsförsöker vi lyfta fram voice som ett potentiellt mycket bra verktyg för att utövainflytande och påverka partiets politiska produkt. Dock är det inte helt riskfritt attframföra kritik mot sitt eget parti och detta har vi försökt undersöka med hjälp aven fallstudie på Fredrik Reinfeldts användande av voice under sina år sompolitiskt aktiv inom moderaterna.Vi kommer visa att voice är ett bra instrument för att skapa debatt och belysaproblem inom organisationen men att det samtidigt för med sig negativakonsekvenser om det inte sker genom partiets strukturella plattformar. Inte hellerräcker detta utan det är även ett fall om att inte vara fel person med fel åsikter vidfel tillfälle, något som Reinfeldt utmålades att vara..

Today, "the digital library" is the common way of describing a managed collection of information, with associated services, stored in digital formats and accessible over a network. Digital libraries have mainly been developed at research libraries, but during the last few years public libraries have started to offer similar services.The aim of this Master's thesis is to study how the Swedish public libraries plan to develop their digital libraries according to their mission statements, and in what way they have implemented them at their web sites. 21 public libraries, the largest in each Swedish county, were investigated.The library mission statements are investigated to find out in what terms the digital libraries are described and to what extent. The library websites are examined with respect to what kind of digital services are offered, to what extent they supplement or replace the physical library, and if there are new digital services not found in the physical library.In most mission statements the digital library is referred to in sweeping terms like "IT activities" and "new media". However, a few of the libraries clearly regard the digital library as an important part of the future operations, speaking of it in well defined and extensive terms.The public library websites are relatively homogeneous when it comes to services supplementing physical library activities, like web access to the library catalogue and links to other library catalogues.

In May 2004 the European Union enlarged from 15 to 25 member states and it was the biggest enlargement since the foundation. Two years earlier Poland, as one of the new member states, finished four years of accession negotiations with the EU.This study focus on the case of Poland and how the accession negotiations with EU were conducted. According to the theoretical framework of asymmetric negotiations Poland was said to be a weak party and the EU was considered a strong party in the enlargement negotiations.The aim of the thesis is to examine Poland's negotiation performance and determine what Polish failure and success in the accession negotiations depends on. The research contains a illustration of the motives for enlargement, the negotiation process and structure, attitudes and behaviour and finally results of negotiations in specific areas.The study concludes that Poland's negotiation performance was influenced by the Polish negotiation team's unpleasant attitude, confused organizational structure, lack of coalition partners and the strong will to become a member state, in both positive and negative ways. Finally, Poland was most successful in negotiations that concerned specific issues which were of great importance for Poland but less prioritized by the EU..