Ett aktuellt ämne inom den politiska debatten idag, är neddragningar inom Försvarsmakten. InomMiljöpartiet vill man lägga ner hela svenska ubåtsflottiljen. Syftet med uppsatsen är att studerabehovet av ubåtar från ett svenskt Försvarsmaktsperspektiv. Uppsatsen har skrivits genom enkomparativ process, med en kvantitativ ansats i analysen. Jag redovisar vilka förmågor somsvenska ubåtar har och vilka förmågor Försvarsmakten skall ha.

INGEN LAG ? STRAFF? ABSTRACTThe thesis deals with a gap in the Swedish legislation concerning the criminal responsibility under which military personnel act in international Peace operations. According to international treaties called Status of Forces Agreements, military personnel operating abroad within the territory of other states are exempted from the criminal law of the host states. In return, their home states apply its national criminal law upon the personnel instead. Thus, Swedish criminal law is applied in relation to actions taken by Swedish military forces in international operations.

SummaryAt the summer festivals and it?s campsites there are each year thousands of tents left behind. Last year, at the Peace and Love festival in Borlänge, 220 tons of garbage was left behind at the festival area, much of which is tents. 69% of festival goers have at some point left behind a tent on a festival campsite. Many of these tents is purchased very cheaply, for a single festival.

After the last European Union expansion the east European countries became members of the European Union. This meant that they would become apart of the Schengen agreement and that they would be able to travel, live and work anywhere in Europe. This came as a shock tothe Scandinavian trade unions that were worried that work migration would escalate, and that it would lead to social dumping, which would make the working conditions worse for the native workers. .The Swedish labour market is build up by the principal of negotiations. The evolution of the labour laws comes from the rules and regulations of collective agreements.The Lex Britannia principal was made to regulate the working conditions for guest workers in Sweden, by making it possible for trade unions to take industrial action against foreign companies to make them sign a Swedish collective agreement.Even though Swedish labour law includes an obligation to maintain industrial Peace it is not valid for foreign companies.

The purpose with this essay was to examine how the European Union is working totransfer norms to states they signed an agreement with and provide support for inframe of the Barcelona process and the Tacis programme. The theory which weused was Ian Manners (PhD in Political Science) theory of "the EU as a uniquenormative power". The aim was to examine whether the EU - which Manners mean- has had a normative power to influence states to change. We used a qualitativeapproach through the use of a multiple case study and qualitative text and contentanalysis. The States which formed the basis of our study were within the BarcelonaProcess; Morocco and Tunisia as well as Azerbaijan and Armenia funded by theTacis programme.

I oktober år 2000 antog FNs säkerhetsråd den första resolutionen där kvinnor ses som aktörer för fred och inte bara som offer för konflikt. Eftersom 1325 är en resolution antagen i säkerhetsrådet, är den juridiskt bindande för alla FNs medlemsstater. Mitt övergripande syfte med denna uppsats är att belysa vikten av att samhällets olika nivåer, från absoluta toppnivå till gräsrotsnivå, samarbetar för att resolutioner från FNs säkerhetsråd, framförallt när det gäller så kallade mjuka frågor, skall uppmärksammas och bli framgångsrika. Mer specifikt är mitt syfte att studera effekterna av resolution 1325. För att göra detta har jag intervjuat åtta representanter för olika kvinnoorganisationer, som representerar gräsrotsnivån, sex i Stockholm och två i New York. Dessutom har jag hämtat information från dokument från FNs generalsekreterare, säkerhetsrådet och Sveriges regering, som representerar toppnivåer i samhället. För att belysa att avsaknaden av en ny resolution om kvinnor, fred och säkerhet beror på säkerhetsrådets genusblindhet, använder jag mig av ett feministiskt teoretiskt perspektiv.

The purpose with this essay was to examine how the European Union is working totransfer norms to states they signed an agreement with and provide support for inframe of the Barcelona process and the Tacis programme. The theory which weused was Ian Manners (PhD in Political Science) theory of "the EU as a uniquenormative power". The aim was to examine whether the EU - which Manners mean- has had a normative power to influence states to change. We used a qualitativeapproach through the use of a multiple case study and qualitative text and contentanalysis. The States which formed the basis of our study were within the BarcelonaProcess; Morocco and Tunisia as well as Azerbaijan and Armenia funded by theTacis programme.

The Purpose of this essay is to seek an answer to whether or not a conflict exists between priests of the Assyrian Church, the Syrian Orthodox Church and the Coptic Church in contemporary Swedish society, as well as to examine the environment between the three. The theological dissimilarities will be studied (from a historical standpoint), along with the interviewed participants views on the division in Christianity which will be presented also. I choose to interview six priests/chorbishops who live and work in Sweden, and the result was analyzed according to the senior professor of Peace- and conflict, Peter Wallensteen?s theories on conflict and conflict resolution, where important issues are laid out to identify the core problem, and theological differences are discussed and compared from a union perspective.The result of the interviews illustrate a clear response that the participants experience a lack of functioning collaborations (from the Assyrians Church view, a collaboration is absent from the Syrian Orthodox Church and the Coptic Church, and vice versa) and most of the participants experience negative consequences from the divide in churches, as they strive for unity in Christianity as a whole. The theological differences between the churches proves not to be as significant as expected, the actual predicament lies partly in language-and phrase division along with a general rejection of each other?s interpretations.

Många av dagens fredsfrämjande insatser genomförs i insatsområden som åtminstone vid en första anblick tycks vara av litet geopolitiskt eller ekonomiskt intresse för de intervenerande staterna. För svenskt vidkommande motiveras ibland Sveriges engagemang i exempelvis Afghanistan med att den terrorism och drogproduktion som härrör därifrån hotar och påverkar även människor i Sverige. Ytterligare en möjlig motivering har att göra med spridningsrisken; för att minska risken för spridning av en konflikt utanför det ursprungliga konfliktområdet intervenerar utomstående stater. Men vilken bild av den svenska statens motiv för att engagera Försvarsmakten i fredsfrämjande internationella insatser målas upp i riksdagsdebatten? Är argumenteringen rationell och visar de motiv som förs fram att Sverige faktiskt gynnas av att delta, eller grundar sig viljan att hjälpa till i att den svenska staten anser sig vara moraliskt förpliktigad att ingripa, om förmågan finns, då mänskliga rättigheter kränks? Föreliggande uppsats syftar till att klarlägga hur de två största, blockpolitiskt åtskilda riksdagspartierna motiverade besluten att deltaga i de internationella insatserna i Afghanistan och Libyen.

The aim of this essay is to analyze the political interests of the United States Government in Turkey, from 1997 to spring 2007, using a qualitative method. I will also analyze any strategic changes during this period, by using theories of realism, particularly Structure Realism and Rational Choice. Using the Rational Actor Model (RAM), I will analyze how nation states such as the United States act in the political arena in Turkey. How can the US Government legitimize the support to Turkey and at the same time criticize there democratic deficit and their view on human rights. Turkey has been an American Military Ally, via NATO since 1952 and its demographic situation has changed since the Cold War.

People who live in northern part of the world spend much more time indoors than those who live in warmer countries. In addition that home should be safe, it should also protect one against heat, cold, sunlight and pollution. The indoor environment is affected by installations, material and how the building is formed. Those anomalies that are visible, felt or smelled can be noticed and be rectified. But it?s much more difficult if these abilities are missing.

Since the 1st of May 2004 Cyprus is part of the European Union. The Republic of Cyprus as a whole is part of the Union, but all of the advantages of the Union membership cannot be enjoyed in all parts of the country. Since December 1963 the Cypriot administration has been separated into two, a Greek Cypriot and a Turkish Cypriot, and since 1974 the country is also territorially divided. The Greek Cypriot political administration is considered to be the legitimate representative of the Republic of Cyprus, the Turkish Cypriot administration is only recognised by Turkey. Since the disruption of the country in 1963 the UN has been trying to get the Cypriot parties to agree upon a Peace solution in order to reunite the country.

Abstract Considering the social dimension of sustainable development this thesis focuses on the qualities of life and how the environmental qualities that the inhabitants value can be incorporated in the physical planning of the municipality. The thesis deals with the problems that occur when the physical planning, whit its focus on the environmental aspects, also needs to consider peoples opinions, that springs from the individual experience of the place. The municipality of Mark, where this thesis takes its place, is characterised by the countryside landscape. Mark is situated in the western part of Sweden close to Göteborg, Borås and Varberg. The commuting is extensive and the demand for dwellings in the municipality is increasing. Those who strive to live in the municipality have a conception of what life on the countryside means and of which environmental qualities they want to assimilate.

The following chapters examine landscape architecture which engages in contested territories with an emphasis on the way in which landscape architecture can engage with the issues of divided cities or landscapes with similar social, cultural and physical properties. The project focuses specifically on the potential landscape architecture has for promoting or aiding in the reconciliation process of these areas, by examining the following questions. How can landscape architecture be used to benefit the Peace building process of divided cities and landscapes? How can landscape architecture be used in the process of promoting spatial reconciliation in the case of Belfast? The investigation begins with a description of the background to the project in Chapter 1, which functions as a brief introduction to the urban phenomena that is divided cities. It then goes on to introduce the different methods and data employed in order to answer the research questions in Chapter 2. After introducing the problem and the methodology, a global overview of divided cities is performed in Chapter 3. This chapter is divided into two sections.

ABSTRACTBjelkenbrant, Pernilla, 2006: ANC-galan i Göteborg 1985: en analys av sången Soweto som politisk mobilisering (The ANC gala in Gothenburg in 1985: an analysis of the song Soweto as a means of political mobilisation)The political scientists Abdul Karim Bangura, Ove Nordenmark and Tor Sellström, all believe that there, during the 1980s, existed a strong and unified ?Swedish? attitude against the South African apartheid system, and Sellström points out that this position had a strong anchorage in the ANC gala in Gothenburg in 1985. Over the past few years, singing has been identified as playing a crucial role in the struggle against apartheid. The aim of this study is twofold: firstly it presents a comprehensive discussion on how song is generally considered a tool of political mobilisation, secondly it discusses how that process can be applied to the ANC-gala. Consequently, the theoretical discussion constitutes the initial part of the study.