The aim of this paper is to describe and explain which policy instruments for human rights (HR) the United States and the European Union use towards Burma and to examine the priority given to HR in their respective foreign policy. From the results of an empirical analysis this paper seeks to analyze the US and the EU as powers in the international system and aims to explain their behavior from this theoretical perspective. From the theoretical approaches used I conclude that these actors act in different ways regarding the Burmese issue. This is partially due to the structure of the international system. Both actors primarily use different forms of diplomatic tools and sanctions to try to force change for HR in Burma.

Trots att det har gått snart 30 år sedan Brasiliens militärdiktatur ersattes av en demokratiskt vald regim är det flera forskare som har kommit att ifrågasätta landets faktiska grad av demokrati ? framförallt i Rio de Janeiros favelas, informella bosättningar. Favelan har under senare årtionden kommit att bli synonymt med; parallell stat under kriminella gängs dominans, extremvåld och en stigmatiserad folkgrupp. Statens många försök i att krossa gängverksamheten har visat sig mindre framgångsrika, men år 2008 introducerar säkerhetssekretariatet en ny polisiär strategi för favelan ? först pacificering och sedan implementering av fredsbevarande polisenheter, s.k.

In this thesis I explore the debate on surveillance in Swedishnewspapers that preceded the FRA law. The development ininformation technology has made it possible to monitor society toa greater extent than before. It is therefore interesting andimportant to explore a debate preceding a controversial law onsurveillance. The primary purpose of this thesis is to add to abetter understanding of how such a law was discussed in Swedishnewspapers and the relationship between idea and ideology in thisdebate. To answer these questions I explore the newspaper debateby using Isaiah Berlins notions of liberty, positive and negativeliberty.

This thesis aim to advance the Liberal Integrovernmentalism (LIG) developed byAndrew Moravcsik in order to order to explain how the European Court of Justice (ECJ) can make de facto EU policies diverge from what was originally intended by the Member States. More specifically it describes how the Posting of Workers Directive, Directive 96/71/EC, originally was created to shield certain Member States and their respective systems of regulating the labour market from pressure arising from the posting of workers form low-wage countries inside the EU. However, through a series of cases in the ECJ the de facto policy of the directive has changed and it is now in itself a potential threat against these systems. The Member States now find themselves caught in a ?Joint-Decision Trap?, unable to rectify the situation even though their original agreement has been turned on its head.

Sveriges Försvarsmakt har innan 2000-talet inte haft något formellt fastställt dokument som beskriver hur verksamheten skall utövas såväl i krig som i fred.  I och med 2002-års utgåva av militärstrategisk doktrin fastställdes att grunden för Försvarsmaktens agerande skall vara manövertänkande. 2004 drabbades Kosovo av upplopp runt om i provinsen, varav den svenska bataljonen SWEBAT, var inblandade i strider kring byn Caglavica. Vid tillfället var flera svenska chefer upp till brigadnivå, involverade i beslutsprocesserna som skedde under incidenten.Huvudsyftet med denna uppsats är att söka svar på huruvida den svenska officerskåren faktiskt tillämpar våra doktriner under insats. Frågeställningen är framtagen att utröna i hur stor utsträckning manövertänkande existerade och nyttjades på de olika ledningsnivåerna vid kravallerna i Caglavica 2004, likväl i hur stor grad det inte nyttjades.Med utgångspunkt i militärstrategisk doktrin har ett antal indikatorer på manövertänkande valts ut för att appliceras på framtagen fallstudie, vilken grundas på FHS rapport Caglavica 17 mars 2004.Resultatet av uppsatsen visar på ett assimilerat manövertänkande inom den svenska officerskåren under insats i Kosovo..

The public sector in Sweden has in recent decades undergone a large change due to market and liberalism impact. This change has meant that marketing communication and its concepts have been adopted by administrative authorities. In this thesis, we used governmentality, social constructivism and an interpretive perspective to examine the staff at the County Administrative Board in Kalmar County and their experiences and opinions of the concepts ?customer? and ?trademark?. The study was designed as a case study with qualitative interviews.

Currently, the whole globe is faced with serious problems which negatively affect people around the world: increased pollution, excessive waste, and weather pattern changes. ?Left? and ?right? wing political parties alike have embraced ?green? politics and for many of these parties, environmental issues have become a top priority that is very much reflected in their manifestos. This study examines the environmental goals of two of Sweden?s largest political parties and how these ambitions are reflected at a local level.

Sweden introduced a development assistance policy in 1952 and thirteen years later Sida, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency started, in 1965. But in 1995, five separate development assistance authorities came together and established the new Sida as it is today. Sida is Sweden?s representative in the development assistance policy field and they work through projects that have to be presented through a Country Strategy Process (CSP). The aim of this paper is to point out Sida?s perspective on the conducted development assistance policy and what guide lines that are followed.

Trots att det har gått snart 30 år sedan Brasiliens militärdiktatur ersattes av en demokratiskt vald regim är det flera forskare som har kommit att ifrågasätta landets faktiska grad av demokrati ? framförallt i Rio de Janeiros favelas, informella bosättningar. Favelan har under senare årtionden kommit att bli synonymt med; parallell stat under kriminella gängs dominans, extremvåld och en stigmatiserad folkgrupp. Statens många försök i att krossa gängverksamheten har visat sig mindre framgångsrika, men år 2008 introducerar säkerhetssekretariatet en ny polisiär strategi för favelan ? först pacificering och sedan implementering av fredsbevarande polisenheter, s.k.

In recent years the liberal representative democracy has been subject of a substantial critique because of its inability to accommodate difference and createa genuinely democratic political process. One such critique comes from the theory of deliberative democracy. Supporters of deliberative democracy try to promote a model of democracy that take its vantage point in free and equal deliberationbetween all relevant actors in a political community. This model has with some success opposed the aggregative model of democracy, and in important ways turned the attention to the potential of deliberative processes.However, the deliberative model is still somewhat underdeveloped when it comes to issues of diversity and difference. This essay deals with such deficiencies by analysing deliberative democracy in the light of the critiquelaunched by difference- and radical democrats.

My study is about how parents talk to their children about alcohol. The purpose of my study was to study how young teenagers communicate with their parents about alcohol. I also wanted to find out if parents have any influence over their children's choice of drinking. I have chosen to look at these questions from the perspective that alcohol is a cultural phenomenon, that children is a part of a family system and that alcohol can be viewed as a part of the children's liberation from their parents. I used a qualitative research method and interviewed five young teenagers, who are students at upper secondary schools ("gymnasium" in Swedish) in Lund, they where all under 18 years old.

Denna studie har analyserat fyra forumtrådar från det svenska Internetforumet Flashback Forum. Jag har specifikt valt att studera forumets underavdelning för diskussioner rörande feminism och jämställdhet. Jag har ? genom närläsning, diskursanalys och katalogisering av foruminläggen ? försökt att analysera och ?konstruera? de diskurser som dominerar denna forumavdelning, för att förstå hur skribenterna artikulerar tecken som ?feminism? och ?kroppen?. Mina slutsatser är att två diskurser tydligt dominerar på forumavdelningen.

The aim of this thesis is to discover facts about the Sweden democrats by looking at statistics of five different municipalities. The main question at issue is: What can you say about the Sweden democrat's voters by researching the voter statistics of the voter districts in the municipalities. The five municipalities who are the object of the study are, Helsingborg, Hässleholm, Landskrona, Svedala and Trelleborg.The Method for this thesis is a case study of five municipalities in Skåne. I have been researching the voterstatistics in the local voterdistricts of 2002 and 2006. I have compared The Sweden democrats with the Social democrats, the conservative party (Moderaterna), and the liberal party (Folkpartiet Liberalerna).The theories that this thesis is based on are voterbehaviour and rightwing-party theories.The Results are that one can not see any signs of the Sweden democrat's success being a result of a far-reaching right wave.

The point of departure for this essay is the observation that themunicipality of Lund is giving priority to handicap associations overother forms of associations. This act can be regarded as trespassinginto the realm of civil society. In respect of this, two aspects appearto be particularly interesting to explore. The first is to determinewhich perspective of freedom the municipality of Lund holds. Ireconstruct how the liberal and the communitarian state relate to thenegative and the positive freedom.

Krigsslutet 1809 innebar en mängd förändringar för befolkningen i Tornedalen. Gränsen mellan Sverige och det ryska Storhertigdömet Finland skulle ritas upp och kom att dela området i två delar. Förhandlingarna kring den nya gränsen kom att dra ut på tiden ? inte förrän 16 år efter krigsslutet var processen avslutad. Uppsatsen fokuserar på denna gränsdragning, som kan liknas vid en förlängd fredsprocess.