This study attempts a literature based reconstruction of the impact of globalisation and modernisation on the gender identities in Vietnam. Recognising the explanatory albeit normative capacity of critical theory ? specifically the feminist and globalisation critical approach ? this thesis argues that in spite of the economic benefits of modernisation, it enhances existing unequal structures. By focusing on women in the labour sector, simultaneously Vietnam's comparative advantage and one of its economically marginalised groups, a contradictory movement can be discovered. Notwithstanding the economic development, a regression in terms of women's possibilities to self-empowerment seems to cancel the benefits for the individual.

Making decisions have always been part of human life. Political decisions consist of many participants with both formal and informal ways to highlight problems and reach the political agenda. Processes difficult for an individual to distinguish and understand surround political decision-making. The purpose of this study is to investigate the decision process for a specific political issue, Swedish wine producers' desire to be able to sell their own wine at their vineyard; gårdsförsäljning. This is currently prohibited in the Swedish model due to an alcohol monopoly.

Denna uppsats behandlar ämnesområdet islam och demokrati. Studien är kvantitativ och innehåller 154 länder. För att närmare analysera dessa har vi använt oss av en multipel regressionsanalys .Resultatet av denna analys är att vi inte med säkerhet kan bevisa att muslimsk kultur förklarar de muslimska ländernas demokratiska tillkortakommanden. Däremot har variablerna arabisk kultur, råvaruberoende, militärutgifter samt ekonomisk utveckling visat sig vara statistiskt signifikanta för demokrati.Utifrån detta har vi velat spåra de kausala mekanismerna i förhållandet mellan demokrati och arabisk kultur ytterligare, och funnit att framförallt militärutgifter och det civila samhället är tänkbara mellanliggande variabler. Dessa är specifikt arabiska kausala mekanismer som inte gör sig gällande för den muslimska kulturen.

The purpose of the study is to see differences and development of two institutions for social care (work science) in two countries - the University of Lodz, Polen, and the University of Lund, Sweden.The central question is, if there is any convergence between these Institutions for Social care.The method has been to use both earlier research and to have two interviews. I did interviews with two professors working at two Universities, one with professor Ewa Marynowicz-Hetka at Lodz University and the other with professor Hans Swärd at the University of Lund. I started to study relevant literature and took part of secondary material in both countries.The main result of this study is that some convergence tendencies between those two trainings exist. All of them have connection with international cooperation. There are also same forces that stopped those tendencies; one of them is tradition on institutions..

AbstractThe aim of this essay is to bring understanding to one of the problems theinternationally adopted in Sweden might face, the identity dilemma. In order to do so, a theory of identity construction, Constructionism, is used. This theory says that the construction of identities is a constantly continuing process, influenced, not only by our own perception of ourselves, but also by how we are viewed and treated by otherpeople.Given this theoretic starting point, an examination of the adoptees? everydayencounters in the Swedish society is made, using an autobiography, a biography, a collection of interviews, and newspaper articles. The result shows that the internationally adopted, although they are Swedish both by mind and by law, experience that they have been, and sometimes still are, confronted with strong attitudes such as racism, prejudice and stereotypes.Furthermore, those who experience the identity dilemma often refer to how they are perceived by ?the others?, or to what the encounters with ? the real? Swedes have been like.

This essay has an aim to map out the discourses in the debate around local self government and national equivalence, which are both essential democratic values. The essay is delimited to the area of the comprehensive school. Interviews have been made with key persons in different positions in a selected municipality. I also use material that has been written in the context of Ansvarskommittén. The material is analysed using an integrated discourse analysis.

Capella and Jamiesons research of how the media describes politics has shown that it is very often case of one of two scenarios: game frames; or issue frames. The central idea of this framing theory is that when politicians are described within game frames the disdain towards politicians is believed to increase. Capella and Jamieson have shown that, at least in the US, the use of game framing has increased. The Swedish Scholar Jesper Strömbäck has however, with his research, shown that, despite the earlier theory of Capella and Jamieson, in Sweden the tendency is not so clearly demarcated. In fact he says that if anything, the tendency looks to be the antithesis.

The purpose with this essay is to find out ifneo-fascist connection will change the next generationscitizens (in this specific case ninth graders) opinions about a specific political party. In modern day Sweden,only one political party stands for political ideas that can be seen as neo-fascist (Sverigedemokraterna). Whatwould happen if the next generation citizens saw this connection and how would they respond? That?s whatthis essay is all about, are the students ?positive?, ?negative? or ?on changed? to a neo-fascist politicalparty? The studies research type is mainly of a qualitative nature butquantitative elements occur. The data iscoming from two classes of ninth graders that answered eight questions each.

Denna studie undersöker vilken potential det Balanserade Styrkortet har att förbättra kommunikationen mellan olika domäner inom sjukvården. Vår utgångspunkt är Kouzes & Micos teori som beskriver sjukvårdsorganisationen som svårstyrd och uppsplittrad i tre domäner: en professionell, en administrativ och en politisk. Det huvudsakliga materialet består av sex kvalitativa samtalsintervjuer. Fyra vid Paramedicinska avdelningen på Ljungby Lasarett och två i ledningen för Landstinget Kronoberg.Vårt resultat pekar på att det Balanserade Styrkortet har en potential att öka informations- och kunskapsspridningen mellan olika nivåer i sjukhusorganisationen, förbättra helhetssynen samt förbättra dialogen kring vision, strategi och mål. För att potentialen ska kunna realiseras krävs emellertid ett ihållande engagemang och kunskap om det Balanserade Styrkortet.

Hur regeringen hanterar tillsättningen av högre chefer har debatterats under lång tid i Sveriges riksdag. Att förvaltningen politiseras, och skiljelinjen mellan politik och förvaltning är hotad, påpekas och förnekas. Vår undersökning studerar denna debatt genom en argumentationsanalys av konfrontationsmodell. En litteraturstudie har gjorts kring skicklighets- och förtjänstbegreppet, utnämningar i praktiken och tänkbara förändringar av utnämningsprocessen. Syftet med analysen är att försöka konkretisera debatten och få fram sakargument samt att undersöka hur debatten kring utnämningsmakten tett sig.

Public opinion can be shaped as well as transformed in a number of ways. Government authorities occasionally make use of public information campaigns to educate and steer the public. In this thesis the balance between public and private, the individual and the society is analysed in terms of dimensions of individualism and communitarianism. These dissimilar theories on how the society ought to be constructed can be used when analysing many different policy areas, however, they also pinpoint the controversies seen in the public debate regarding Swedish information policy. Based on this analysis an empirical study identifies what kind of knowledge the state wants the citizens to possess and public information campaigns can be problematic.

With ever-increasing environmental problems in the world, I have with this thesis aimed at studying how the Inuit people of the Arctic organize themselves around the issue of environmental degradation. In focus for this thesis is the organization Inuit Circumpolar Conference (ICC), an NGO that focuses on saving and protecting the social and cultural rights of the Inuit people, along with the environment in the four arctic regions. This aboriginal population has a strong connection to the environment they dwell in, as the area serves as a source of income and nutrition as well as an historically important place for their culture.I will in this thesis primarily investigate the methods of operation amongst NGOs, as well as their ability to influence and interact with the UN. These are three concepts that I, as a hypothesis, considered to distinguish ICC from other NGOs. With help from three theories about NGOs, I conclude that certain central elements of ICC differ from the average NGO, making ICC a new kind of actor in global politics..

The conflict in Aceh had been going on for 30 years time, but ended after a tsunami hit the area in 2004. The impact the natural catastrophe had on the conflict was that both GAM and the Indonesian government was brought together with the intent of reaching a peace agreement. The authors to this thesis paper ask the question of why it became peace after such long time of war, but also if rational choice theory can explain this event. The answer to the first question is that the tsunami was the main reason to why it became peace. As to the second question, the conclusion would be that, depending on which view of human nature one has, rational choice theory can only answer the question if cultural, religious and emotional factors are disregarded.

The main purpose with this essay is to evaluate how the characters of the sexually deviated was discussed during the sexual political debate in the 1960s, and if those apprehensions were reflected in SOU 1976:9 concerning sexual abuse. Furthermore, my prime intention will be to compare the reconstructed historical context, alias the sexual political debate, with the analyzed document, with the purpose to explicate why the anticipated political action weren?t sanctioned and implemented by the parliament. The analysis is carried out through a methodology that retrieves its primal premises from Quentin Skinners theories regarding the history of ideas. My most essential conclusions would be that there in fact existed an equivalence regarding the ideological framework between the radical axioms that was conceived during the sexual political debate and the stipulations that was formulated in the document.

AbstractI den svenska högskolelagen anges det att svenska lärosäten ska samverka och informera om sin verksamhet. Något som har kommit att kallas ?Den tredje uppgiften?. Vår ambition med vår uppsats har varit att genom en kvantitativ och kvalitativ enkätundersökning se hur fyra lärosäten i södra Sverige samverkar med det omgivande samhället. De undersökta lärosätena är; Lunds Universitet, Malmö Högskola, Växjö Universitet och Högskolan Kristianstad.