Idag är det inte helt ovanligt att tala om datorer som att de förstår eller på ett eller annat sätt lever sitt eget liv. Idén om att datorer kanske kan tänka och vara medvetna har sina rötter i det arbete som Alan Turing utförde under 1900-talets första hälft. Han brukar anses ha lagt grunden till det som idag kallas artificiell intelligens (AI) (Preston, 2002). Man började fundera över om datorer kunde ha egenskaper som kan likställas med människors mentala tillstånd och därför användas för att förklara dessa. Ett sådant påstående förs fram i en teori kallad ?datorfunktionalism?.

Aim: To investigate how three of the biggest political parties in Sweden made use of socialmedia in the election campaign in 2010, and to get a picture of how the parties perceive therole of social media in political communication today and in the future.Method: The research is conducted through personal interviews and qualitative textualanalysis.Theory: The theory that the study is based on is Habermas theory of the public sphereMain results: Social media is today an excellent channel for communication and informationbetween politicians and voters, and they will probably become increasingly important inpolitical communication in the future. So far, they are only an addition to the traditional mediaand are in no way substituted for them. Internet and some social media is an excellent forumfor political debate and opinion-former..

In a world obsessed with the visual our homes have gone viral. Through the frame of Instagram family members seems switched to furnitures and the so-called smartphone surely opened the door to new, digital places. Social media has become part of the life of many and, as an effect, also of the way we do our homes. In the era of digitalization, the concept of sharing has gotten some new dimensions where the borders of private and public, here and there, becomes blurred. Why do people post pictures of their homes on Instagram? How is it performed and what boundaries are pushed in the process? These have been some of the main topics guiding this thesis.

Abstrakt För att utveckla och förändra spelmediet behandlar detta arbete impressionism och digitala spel. Båda ämnena diskuteras och belyses från olika vinklar för att undersöka hur de två ämnena kan sammanföras i en spelproduktion. Spelproduktionen har testats av spelstudenter för att få deras åsikter om hur spelet fungerar och deras syn på kopplingen mellan impressionism och digitala spel. Arbetet avslutas med en diskussion och slutsats där alla fakta som tagits in under kandidat-arbetet analyserats. I diskussionen lyfts följande ämnen fram: impressionism, konst, hur spelmediet ser ut idag, tv- och dataspelsgestaltning, interaktion och hur dessa två ämnen, impressionism och digitala spel kan föras samman.

The main purpose of this paper is to examine and compare the democratic situation and developement in Malung and Nyköping, through a perspective of participatory and deliberative democratic theories. The questions I?ve examined are On what priorities the actions of developing democracy are built? Which positive effects have been reached and what problems have arisen? What are the solutions they have found to the problems? How does one experience the results of the experiments and actions taken? What are the similarities and differences between the two cases? and What is their relationship to the theories mentioned above?The questions are answered through interviews with four central actors in each case and examined in relation to participatory and deliberative democratic theories and in comparison of the two cases.The results have been that even if none of the cases respond to one theoretical ideal, they have touches of both theories as well as representative theory. It shows, however, that in Malung the representative democracy theory is the strongest represented in actions and politics, while in Nyköping the participatory democratic theory is stronger. In short, the most positive and negative effects respond well to the theories..

The Saami, a Nordic indigenous people scattered over four countries, has for centuries been regarded as parts of the national populations of the countries in which they live. During the 19th century saami demands for greater influence resulted en several changes, among them the founding of a Swedish Saami Council in 1993. The council became a popularly elected, representative institution with an agenda of its own, but also a public authority answerable to the government. The decision to attribute the council this twofold role was unusual and, from a certain point of view, even controversial: it makes it difficult to determine the location of the power to act in saami-related issues and the legitimacy to do so.This essay is about how the twofold role came into existence, what it leads to and how the seemingly contradictive duality is managed. It has an institutional approach with theories concerning institutions and etnicity as well as institutional change and handling of complicated and ambiguous demands.

The aim of my study is to illuminate the borders, both spatial and aspatial, that are drawn around Europe in swedish politics by using the word in question in different ways. To increase my possibilites of comparing different concepts of Europe, I have chosen to restrict my study toFolkpartiet and Vänsterpartiet, which are the two swedish parties who seem to stand the furthest from each other on issues regarding Europe and the EU. Using theory on borders and bordering, I construct an analytical framework consisting of a separation of three categories of entities, around which borders can be drawn. In my search for both obvious and implicit ways of filling the word Europe with content, I find that both parties speak of Europe in a highly contradictory way, which both includes and excludes peripheral regions of a geographical Europe. My second conclusion is that both parties tend to associate Europe with things that are positive to them.

This thesis is a study of social movements and their possibilities to effect politics by infuencing values in society through framing. I've looked upon social movements from a functionalistic-structuralistic perspective, as if they were carriers of values from people that otherwise won't be represented in the political life. The values that the social movements are struggling for can affect both the opinion and the decision-makers since the social movements in an active way are trying ti influence the society. The thesis examines the political opportunities that social movements hav to mobilise and grow. I have looked at different factors that either improve or make the political opportunities worse.

Uppsatsen behandlar hur Sveriges syn på Estland, uttryckt i Riksdagsdebatten, förändras från 1985 till 2008, analyserat ur ett identitetspolitiskt perspektiv. Identitetspolitik innebär att självidentifikationen av en stat primärt bygger på identifieringen av "de andra" och att upprättandet av en gräns gentemot "de" skapar utrikespolitik. Undersökningen bygger på en kvalitativ analys av riksdagstryck från den berörda perioden och fokuserar på beskrivningen av Estland i debatten. Författaren menar att det under denna tid finns ett flertal tydliga tendenser till förändring som mynnar ut i Estland går från att vara något som omnämns ytterst försiktigt och endast med bakgrund av Kalla Kriget till att bli ett europeiskt Östersjöland som är en nära samarbetspartner för Sverige. Under loppet av denna utveckling blir både Östersjön och Europa viktiga identifikationer för Sverige medan Norden står tillbaka i relativa termer..

The purpose of this work is to raise ideas and interest for land that is very much forgotten,unused and neglected in terms of maintenance and usability. Railroads are often seen as adirty and loud intrusion in the landscape and therefore cities turn their backs on them. Theland around railroads is not considered useful despite its often central location and scrublandis common in these areas.The starting point of this work is the restrictions and possibilities linked to the land withinthe security distance 30 meters from the railroad center. Within this security distance thereare numerous limitations and regulations due to the nature of railroad use. These limitationsare counted for in the initial chapter and lay the foundation for the rest of the work.

In this essay i present a study on political learning of a minority ethnicity whose political history in the institutional form began in 1993. The ethnicity in question is the Sami?s and in 1993 the Sami Parliament was established. The establishment of the Sami parliament radically changed the preconditions for political work. Sami politics came to be pursued in an organized manner in the form of a public authority and democratically elected units.

This bachelor thesis deal with the Soviet submarine U-137 and it's grounding inthe Swedish archipelago outside the city of Karlskrona and one of Sweden?slargest naval-bases. The actions that took place in October 1981 were specialbecause of the clear violation of Swedish territory. When the Swedish authoritieslater suspect nuclear armament onboard the crisis gets worse. In the thesis wehave examined the Swedish politicians and military and their behaviour duringthe crisis.

The aim of this essay is to investigate the situation for democracy in China. The study raises two main questions. They are as follows: Are there obstacles to a democratization process in China? and Are there openings when it comes to a gradual change for democratization in China? The theoretical framework consists of Robert A.Dahl´s Polyarchy theory, and in addition , five factors promoting democracy. Also the notion of an MDP-society (a modern, dynamic and pluralistic society) is looked upon.

New political parties are increasing as phenomena in Swedish politics. Some of these parties have gained much attention in the media, and recent examples are Junilistan, Feministiskt initiativ and Sjukvårdspartiet. Media plays an important role for political parties as it is a way for the parties to communicate with the citizens. Therefore this essay examines how these three new parties have been pictured in media lately, and with what arguments they are discussed. This is done by argument analysis of editorials in five Swedish newspapers.

David Lewis heter upphovsmannen till den kontroversiella teorin som kallas modal realism. Den modala realismens syfte är att förklara vad det innebär för en möjlig sats att vara just möjlig. Teorin säger att det måste finnas en värld vari sådana satser får sin satisfiering. Därför är alla möjligheter aktualiserade någonstans och allt som kan hända händer i någon av alla möjliga världar. Lewis menade dessutom att hans teori inte tolererar moralteorier såsom en universalistisk utilitarism, eftersom summan av gott och ont i totaliteten av alla världar med nödvändighet måste vara fixerad enligt den modala realismen.