På det individuella planet handlar politisk konsumtion till stor del om att uttrycka en etisk, politisk eller miljömässig åsikt genom att välja och välja bort varor på marknaden. Denna uppsats flyttar fokus till kollektiva aktörer och betraktar politisk konsumtion som ett verktyg. Syftet är att besvara huruvida sociala rörelser kan och faktiskt använder sig av detta. I uppsatsens teoretiska ramverk identifieras och operationaliseras sex så kallade metoder för politisk konsumtion. Vidare undersöks huruvida tre sociala rörelser med olika intresseområden använder sig av dessa.

The current debate regarding organizational strategies for sustainabledevelopment is influenced by the theory of global governance. Decentralizedstructures of the global society are taken to use in the realization of a sustainabledevelopment. New roles of transnational networks and partnerships raisesquestions of the ability of global governance to co-ordinate and implement longtermsolutions without assistance from centralized and hierarchic structures basedon government. The aim for this thesis is to illustrate the current conditions forwell-functioning networks of sustainable development and examine therelationship between global governance and government. Issues of participation,decision making and compliance are examined by a case study of the Marrakechprocess, a global process to support the implementation of sustainableconsumption and production.

Denna uppsats behandlar frågan: Hur bör det amerikanska kampanjfinansieringssystemet till val av president reformeras - mot ett system som fokuserar på frihet eller ett system som fokuserar på rättvisa? Som frågeställningen vittnar om är uppsatsen skriven ur ett normativt analysperspektiv där de klassiska värdena frihet och rättvisa i kombination med insamlad data om amerikansk kampanjfinansiering mynnar ut i en analys. Två alternativa väga presenteras, antingen att släppa systemet fritt eller att öka kontrollen för att minska skillnaderna som finns. Argumentationen ger en bild av hur annorlunda systemet skulle kunna se ut givet en förändring. Resultatet påvisar att det amerikanska systemet hade gynnats av att röra sig mot en mer rättvis och kontrollerad finansieringsstruktur.

Children that are taken care of for institutional care by the social services are unprivileged as a group. When society takes over the parenting role, it forces local governments and other accountable authorities to guarantee these children satisfactory support and good care according to each child's needs. The aim of this thesis is to analyze and discuss problems with implementation in policy processes when authorities incorporate. From the normative standpoint of legal security and the United Nations Children's Convention, this thesis investigates the consequences of interaction between two Swedish supervisory authorities for the social services: Socialstyrelsen and länsstyrelserna. To fulfill the aim I will investigate the approach taken by the authorities and the work division between Socialstyrelsen and länsstyrelserna.

This essay concerns the issue of democracy and judicial review. The main focus is on the justification of both a positive and a negative attitude towards judicial review, and the values these justifications are based on. The analysis is made by textual analysis of four authors with different opinions of the subject matter: Robert Dahl and Jeremy Waldron who has a negative attitude towards judicial review, and Erwin Chemerinsky and Ronald Dworkin who are positive about it. In the analysis an analytic frame is used which consists of different dimensions and aspects of the problem of democracy and judicial review. The study shows that there are important differences in democratic values between a positive and a negative justification of judicial review.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine how the president of Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, is described in Swedish mass media. The research question of the paper is "How was president Hugo Chávez portrayed in Swedish newspapers in the 2004 Venezuelan referendum?". The answer of this question provides information about how the mass media form the image of current political events which is an important aspect of power. The applied method and theory in the study is the critical discourse analysis.

The purpose of this study is to examine how parliament executes its responsibility of oversight against the government. In Sweden, parliamentary oversight of the government rests with a standing committee of parliament known as the constitutional committee.Drawing on general principal-agent theory I construct a model in which members of the constitutional committee are seen as agents in double and conflicting agency assignments. This constitutes a problem for the agent. Since it is the party group in parliament that controls the fulfilment of the agents? objectives, the agent is presumed to follow the party assignment to the detriment of the parliament assignment.The model generates two hypotheses concerning they type of oversight we should expect the members of the constitutional committee to perform against the government.

Vi gör en jämförelse av två teorier som båda behandlar hanteringen av etniska konflikter i plurala samhällen. Dessa två teorier - Consociational Democracy och Transversal Politics, är varandras motsatser och har båda implementerats i etniskt splittrade samhällen. Consociational Democracy som förespråkar mellanetnisk interaktion, har tillämpats i bland annat Bosnien- Hercegovina. Transversal Politics, som har tillämpats i Rwanda, förordar istället icke-etniska politiska plattformer. Båda dessa länder upplevde etniska rensningar under 90-talet, och har sedan dess präglats av försonings- och demokratiseringsprocesser med stor internationell närvaro.

Social control in different forms has existed in all known societies. This control has taken different shapes and expressions. In older smaller communities there was a collective control among the citizens. In modern societies the state is trying to control the lives of the citizens. These control mechanisms can be seen as both freedom-reducing and freedom inducing depending on which concept of freedom one upholds.

Den biståndspolitiska världen är oerhört komplex och inte tillräckligt ifrågasatt.De centrala aktörerna som har makten i utvecklingen av biståndsdiskursen harhaft en övertro på sig själva. Framförallt har det rått en omedvetenhet och en bristpå engagemang i frågor som gäller den framtida utvecklingen ibiståndsmottagande länder. Det är ytterst viktigt att lyfta fram hurutvecklingsländer har exploatera's och utnyttjat's av västvärlden samt den oviljasom har funnit's att sopa ihop skärvorna av det som krossat's. Även omovanstående problematik i vis's mån existerar än idag, har det internationellagivarsamfundet enat's om en utveckling som tendera att leda biståndspolitiken irätt riktning.I Moçambique har en ny utvecklingsstrategi inom bistånd och korruption tagitform. Parisdeklarationen och FN:'s korruptionskonvention utgör tillsamman's medOECD och det internationella givarsamfundet den kraft som skall mobiliseralandet till ekonomisk självständighet.

The purpose of this legal dogmatic Bachelor Thesis is to define the legal definition of ?a rescue service? and illustrate the division of responsibilities between national authorities and the municipalities with regards to the execution of emergency response operations.?A rescue service? means the emergency response actions that national and municipal authorities are legally obliged to provide to prevent or minimise injury to people and damage to property or the environment when emergencies occur or seem imminent. In the following cases a national authority is responsible for providing the requisite rescue service:1. Search and rescue (air) ? the Swedish Civil Aviation Authority is the responsible authority;2.

This case study explores the question of implementation and steering in a society of governance. As an empirical example, a reform concerning the reception of separated refugee children in Sweden is used. As of the 1st of July 2006 the responsibility for providing housing for separated children lies with the local governments rather than with the Swedish Board of Migration, aiming to improve the children's situation. However, implementing this amendment has turned out to be a harder task than expected. Traditionally, the relationship between state and local actors is seen in terms of state steering or local self-government.

This study explores the notion of class and social inequality as expressed in the Swedish election campaign of 2006 and in the reception of the Swedish conservative party as a "worker's party". Inspired by Fairclough's critical discourse analysis I have carried through an investigation of the debate. My sources consists in a collection of articles, mainly leader columns and contributions to the debate, from a selected number of Swedish newspapers.I found that an explicit discussion about class, or use of the concept as such, was largely absent. In cases where the concept occurred it was often used in a purely descriptive sense or dismissed as outdated. Furthermore, I have drawn the conclusion that the traditional understanding of class is being challenged by a discourse which aims at establishing a new understanding of social inequality as lack of paid work.I take my point of departure in the belief that class continues to be one of the most important bases of social inequality.

Från 1979 till 2004 kan tre faser i den iranska republikens postrevolutionäraera identifieras, ofta refererade till som ?de tre republikerna?. Den förstarepubliken inleddes med den islamska revolutionen och avslutades medKhomeinis död 1989. Den andra präglades av konsolideringen av de statligainstitutionerna under president Hashemi Rafsanjanis styre från 1989 till1997. Den tredje inleddes med en överraskande presidentseger för denreformvänlige Mohammad Khatami 1997 till 2004.Denna uppsats har sökt svara på frågan vad för sorts islamsk republikIran har utvecklats till under sitt första kvartal och hur de politiskamaktspänningarna har sett ut och förändrats under denna period.Vi har utgått från Juan Linz kriterier om vad som karaktäriserar enauktoritär regim, men på grund av det iranska systemets inneboendespänningar som lagstadgats i konstitutionen och på grund av den maktkampsom bedrivits inom de politiska institutionerna mellan semidemokratiskaförespråkare och semidiktatoriska, så har vi varit tvungna att vidga vårtresonemang..

This is a discourse analysis concerning the visions for Malmö's future. Three concepts are studied to see which meaning these are given in the Malmö context. The studied concepts are ? development (utveckling), industry (näringsliv) and citizen (befolkning).The meanings of these concepts are studied against a backdrop of theories of inclusion/exclusion in general and inclusion/exclusion in the city more specific. Michael Foucault´s notion of a discourse which stigmatizes those not following a behaviour which is defined as being right and normal is central to this.