This study attempts to answer the question of whether the propaganda of the Swedish political parties ?Socialdemokraterna?, and/or ?Sverigedemokraterna?, used for the election to the European parliament 2009, are to be viewed as populistic. Furthermore, is the propaganda to viewed as included in the ?Classical Populism?, the ?New Populism?, both, or none of the above genres? With a theoretical approach deriving from earlier works on the subject Classical/New Populism from a number of writers, the study uses empirical and qualitative text analysis to study the parties propaganda. For each of the two genres of Populism an ideal type is set up, which is used to define their core elements.

In this paper I propose a definition on what right-wing Populism is, by comparing three right-wing populist parties; the Swedish Democrats in Sweden, the Danish Folks Party in Denmark and the Progress Party in Norway. This is also my question formulation. I have used the idea analysis to straighten out the concept of right-wing Populism. The purpose of this paper is to make a definition of the concept of right-wing Populism, since one seldom speaks of what right-wing Populism is but rather only uses it with parties who want to decrease immigration. However is it much more to a right-wing populist party than just the immigration question.      I begin by discussing the previous research about Populism and right-wing Populism to see what conclusions previous researchers have made.

In Jan Jagers and Stefaan Walgrave theory about Populism as a political communication-style they claim that one can find this in the rhetoric of political parties. In their study of Belgian politics they found that the extreme-right party Vlaams Block has embraced this Populism to a larger extent than other parties. Based on this theory this thesis aims at finding Populism as a communication-style in three different Swedish political parties with the purpose to see if the extreme-right party ?The Sweden Democrats? will show Populism to a larger extent than other parties, as was the case in the Belgian study.Based on Jagers and Walgraves operational definition of Populism as a political communication-style this thesis applies it to the rhetoric of three different parties being ?The Social Democratic Party?, ?The Moderate Party? and ?The Sweden Democrats?. This is done in order to be able to clarify on the one hand if their theory is applicable to the Swedish case and on the other hand to what extent Populism as a communication-style exists in Swedish political rhetoric.The method for this thesis has been a qualitative text analysis since and leads to the result that Jagers and Walgraves theory of Populism as a communication-style is applicable to the Swedish case and that ?The Sweden Democrats? to a larger extent uses this political communication style, than the two other parties..

This thesis deals with non-wanted political parties e.g. right wing Populism. How should a democracy handle these opinions? So far these parties have been neglected and not even considered as real parties. By excluding them from the debate and the political arena, media and more established parties have seen them merely as a threat than as democratic parties.

The aim of the study is to research if the Sweden Democrats portray themselves in a way that can be described as populistic and xenophobic and also if this portrayal has changed over time.In order to do so, the terms of Populism and xenophobia has been defined by research and put together into two separate ideal types. Through the eyes of the two ideal types and their traits, four of the party programs of the Sweden Democrats have been researched to look at how they express themselves in the programs and if it can be connected to some of the traits within the two ideal types.The conclusion is that some of the traits are to be found in the programs, and that this also varies over time. From showing signs of both Populism and xenophobia, the populistic traits become less over time, while the xenophobic ones instead increases..

The aim of this study is to describe the characteristics of right-wing populist parties in Europe. The three parties included in the study are the Swedish Democrats (SD), the British National Party (BNP) and the National Front (NF) in France. The study includes a definition of right-wing Populism based on previous research and from that an ideal type of a right-wing populist party has been created. The material used in the study to verify how well the parties were consistent to the ideal type and what similarities and differences the parties in the study have are the parties? political programs and policies.

The Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) has for a long time often been labeled a populist political party. It has however not been the subject of in-depth study to what extent the party really is populist. A study on whether the party and its supporters fulfill the criteria that a social science definition of Populism would stipulate is therefore needed, in order to establish accurately whether the party is populist.    The definition used in my study accentuates three qualities that specify populist organizations: an antagonistic attitude against prevailing power structures, demands for increasing democratic influence and advocating a certain people?s rights ahead of others.The qualitative analysis of documents central for the party shows that it fulfills all of the criteria illustrated in the definition that is the basis of my study.

This thesis analyses ideas of gender in the Swedish radical right. The aim of the study is to see if there are any differences or similarities in the way gender is being formulated by a populist radical right party as the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna), the extreme right party, Party of the Swedes (Svenskarnas Parti) and the extreme right movement Swedish Resistance Movement (Svenska Motståndsrörelsen). Ideas of gender are presented in the theory chapter which is used later on in the analysis to compare with the radical right organisations of Sweden. To fulfil the aim we have performed a comparative ideological analysis between the three organisations and the base for our analysis is texts from each organisation?s webpage.

The purpose of this study is to present Populism as a political phenomenon and to impose focus on the rightwing populist parties that are active in Scandinavia. This essay begins with a presentation of the three rightwing political parties in Scandinavia. The rightwing populist parties have successfully developed their rhetoric and effectively influenced the political establishment in Sweden, Norway and Denmark. The parties that the essay focuses on are theSwedish democrats (SD), the Norwegian Progress party (FRP) and the Danish People`s party (DF). These parties are interesting in the sense that they share many opinions and are active in comparable political atmospheres, but also that they use approximately the same rightwing populist rhetoric as a way of exerting leverage on political policy.The theoretical segment is constructed on a descriptive historical background of Populisms three different phases.

   Den här fallstudien försöker beskriva uppkomsten av Populism i Kungälvs kommun. Innan valet 2010 fanns inga aktiva populistiska partier i Kungälvs kommunfullmäktige, efter valet 2010 hade drygt var 10:e invånare i kommunen röstat på ett populistiskt parti och efter valet finns det numera två aktiva populistiska partier i kommunen, Sverigedemokraterna och Utvecklingspartiet.Den här studien riktar sig främst mot att undersöka existensen av Utvecklingspartiet, eftersom jag drar slutsatsen att Sverigedemokraternas intåg i kommunfullmäktige beror på rikstrenden, då det saknas en kommunal politik.   Utvecklingspartiet uppstod som effekter av ett internt politiskt bråk inom Moderaterna och som ett resultat av olika uppfattningar om hur kommunen bör ledas och organiseras. Uppsatsen tar med hjälp av kända forskare som Erlingsson, Panizza och Peters fram orsaker till varför de kommunala partierna har ?misslyckats? med styret, som gjort att två nya partier har fått grogrund och lyckats etablera sig.     Orsakerna har bland annat visat sig vara att den nya organisationsmodellen POF har givit uttryck för många olika åsikter om hur kommunen skall agera samt att en avsaknad av policys kring hur den politiska dialogen skall praktiseras har givit uttryck för missnöje bland politikerna. Detta missnöje är grunden för skapandet av Utvecklingspartiet och det tillsammans med redan existerande kommunala ?misslyckanden?, olika projekt som har retat upp olika delar av kommunens invånare i sakfrågor, har utvecklat Populismen inom Kungälvs kommun..

One aim of this thesis has been to trace the driving forces among active members of the Swedish Pensioners? Interest Party (SPI), but also to render how party values and ideas are connected to the concepts of is-sue space, distrust, and New Party Politics (mainly Populism). Since there are several pensioners? parties in other countries, my second aim has been to investigate whether the party is a result of a diffusion proc-ess of copying a successful equivalent party; in other words to find out whether a master frame has inspired the forming of a Swedish pension-ers? party. Through interviews and document analysis, I have found seven issue dimensions explaining the motives behind my respondents? engagement in the party.

De radikala högerpopulistiska partierna Sverigedemokraterna och Dansk Folkeparti har båda etablerat sig i Sveriges respektive Danmarks partisystem. Då studier av Populism och populistiska aktörer i relation till journalistik ur ett medievetenskapligt perspektiv är få, är denna studies syfte att studera och diskutera relationen mellan journalistik och radikala högerpopulistiska aktörer. Detta för att möjliggöra en diskussion kring vilken roll denna relation spelar för mediers journalistiska innehåll och framställning av politiska aktörer. Uppsatsens utgångspunkt tar sitt uttryck från tidigare forskning av radikala högerpopulistiska aktörer och deras framväxt tillsammans med teoretiska ansatser om mediers politiska rapportering. Genom en kvantitativ innehållsanalys av ledande svenska och danska dags- och kvällstidningar kommer slutsatser kring beroenderelationen mellan medier och radikala högerpopulistiska aktörer dras och problematiseras.  .

This study deals with the Swedish public library in our changeable time. New technology, an altered media situation with a growing digitalization, globalization and a society focusing on the individual and the market have put the public library in a new, indistinct position. It is described as facing an identity crisis. The aim of this thesis is to, by interviewing a group of young people ages 15-16, find out what the public library is for this user group and what it ought to be according to them. How do they value the services provided by the public library? Are there services they miss? The thesis also aims at relating the opinions of the young people to earlier research.

I approach the subject of adult readers of young adult fiction through an analytical framework influenced by Cultural Studies, implicating that young adult fiction is caught up in a system of distinction between popular literature and high literature. I contrast this with theories that suggest that there has been a loosening of this hierarchy and that they now coexist, even borrowing features from one another. I also examine questions of ideology, namely the ideology of mass culture, the ironical attitude and the ideology of Populism. I also use Andreas Huyssen?s theory of mass culture as a woman, seeing as popular literature often tends to be categorized with feminine traits.

The aim of the study is to examine how the executive leadership and the decision-making process are shaped by the leadership environment in a transition democracy as Venezuela. The questions I intend to answer are: What kind of leadership environment surrounds the leadership and what kind of consequences does it have on the leadership and the decision-making process in Venezuela? To answer my questions I will use the literature: Political Leadership in Liberal Democracies (Elgie, Robert 1995, London: Macmillian), together with the method ?The cultural determinist school of history? by Tomas Spencer, later reproduced by Kellerman. The leadership environment provides unique opportunities for a leader to gain control over the decision-making process. Institutional structures and the needs of the society are major parts in determining how the political leadership is exercised.