AbstractThe purpose of this theses is to compare three different political groups, The IRA, The Baader-Meinhof group and the Al Qaida, who have all used terroristic methods to achieve their separate goals.By finding out about their history, goals, structures and methods I have made a comparison to see what joins them, what separates them, what originated the birth of their movements and how they can or could proceed with their violent actions to the point that they had actual impact on international politics.It has all been done through a litteraturebased study.My focuse has been on Al Qaida since it's is the only one of the three who is still active today and who, through its cellstructure, represents a new form of global terrorism that may have great influence on the structural patterns of other political groups and criminal organizations in the future.Key words:Al QaidaBaader-MeinhofIRATerrorismCellstructure.

In order to fully grasp the phenomena 'City' we must understand its political structure as an integrated part of its physical structure and vice versa. This thesis focuses on one crucial element of the City, the public space, and discusses it in relation to the public realm, or sphere, of the City. The aim is to see if it is possible to conceive public space as a spatial dimension of power, and if so, how to analyse this. With the help of the theoretical tool of two ideal types of the configuration of public space, "The city as civic public life" and "The city as authoritarian control" an empirical study is carried out on the case of Prishtina, capital of Kosovo.Conclusions made are that function and use of a city's public spaces can be understood in relation to changes in the political climate of the society. Furthermore, a void in the asset of concepts offered by the ideal types is found ? and therefore also need for new concepts to describe and understand a public space undergoing a dynamic transformation, as being a part of a city in political transition..

The main objective of the essay is to define the meaning of the termgovernance network on the basis of democratic values ? both normative andimperial - with the aim to analyse the prospects to develop an effective anddemocratic governance. Democratic values as well as civil participation,enlightenment, responsibility and approachability are discussed, but also moreeffectivness orientated values.It is clear from the presentation how normative and democracy models putdifferent values in focus, with the consequence that other values are played downor pushed aside. Compared to imperial research in partnership ? by definition atype of network arrangement - and with a starting point in democracy andefficiency, the networks are discussed as political formation.In what sense can the actual existing network arrangements meet and fulfil thedefined political values? As no straight forward answer exists, there is an ongoingconflict between the political demand for slowness and the effectiveness demandfor flexibility and mobility..

Compared to all existing ethnic groups in Sweden, the integration of Somali women has failed the most within the aspect of employment. This bachelor?s thesis investigates the obstacles in the integration of Somali women by focusing on one case, a project named ?Kvinnokraft?, partly financed by the European Socialfund.By interviewing eight key actors, opinions about obstacles in the project have been identified. A theoretical framework that incorporates integration, project research, multi-level governance and intersectionality contributes to explaining difficulties in integrating Somali women.The empirical findings show that there are individual, social and institutional holdbacks. Stereotypical perceptions were common amongst officials, which contributes to a creation of an inferior position in the structures of the society for Somali women.

This thesis explores the decisions behind swedish principals to permit or prohibit political parties from visiting schools. Through a series of semistructured qualitative interviews with five respondents from different high schools, insights were gathered into their motivations regarding political party visits to schools. The results indicate that principals view political party visits as significant for fostering civic engagement, aligned with the school's democratic mission. However, some principals opt to prohibit such visits due to concerns about non democratic values and potential disruptions. Practical considerations like safety, logistical issues, and conflict risks are also crucial in their decision-making, highlighting awareness of potential challenges posed by political visits.

Uppsatsen Àr en diskursanalytisk undersökning av representation av nationell kultur och identitet i tvÄ lÀroböcker i italienska som anvÀnds pÄ gymnasienivÄ. Uppsatsens syfte Àr att analysera hur nationell kultur och identitet representeras, mot bakgrund av ett intresse att synliggöra diskursiva och samhÀlleliga strukturer som avspeglas i representationen. I analysen lÀggs sÀrskild vikt vid att visa hur sociala maktrelationer mellan och inom nationella kulturer Äterspeglas i lÀroböckerna. Uppsatsens teoretiska utgÄngspunkter Àr inspirerade av den brittiske sociolingvisten Norman Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys och av socialkonstruktionistisk kulturteori som till stor del utgÄr frÄn kulturforskaren Stuart Halls resonemang. I uppsatsen anvÀnds Faircloughs tredimensionella modell för kritisk diskursanalys som metodologisk utgÄngspunkt. I analysen klarlÀggs att lÀroböckerna avspeglar och reproducerar diskurser som speglar ojÀmlika maktförhÄllanden inom nationella kulturer och i viss mÄn Àven mellan nationella kulturer. I lÀroböckernas representation av italiensk, nationell identitet förekommer stereotyper om syditaliensk identitet som Äterger en ojÀmn maktbalans inom det italienska samhÀllet mellan norra och södra Italien. LÀroböckernas representation av italiensk kultur utgÄr stundtals frÄn ett etnocentriskt svenskt perspektiv dÀr diskurser som kan förbindas med turistpropaganda accentueras. I avslutningen diskuteras Àven tÀnkbara konsekvenser av resultaten och exempel ges pÄ vidare forskning inom omrÄdet..

According to the theory of elitist democracy civic political participation should be reduced to participation in the democratic elections. This essay examines whether a high rate of institutionalized political participation beyond the elections leads to: (a) that those who are included gets a more favourable treatment at the expense of the common interest, in other words that their self interest threatens the political equality, (b) reduced freedom of action for the politicians and the headmasters, (c) the emergence of vague conditions of responsibility. These hypotheses are examined in an empirical study of user-boards at four schools on three locations in southern Sweden. In these user-boards the parents are in majority and have the right of decision, which has been delegated to them from the local government and the headmaster. The main conclusion is that, based on this empirical investigation, there is no support in any of the hypotheses.

Abstract.

In this thesis the fullcontact sport roller derby is examined and itÂŽs potential to work as a feminist strategy. Through interviews with six women who are active in the Gothenburgbased team Gothenburg Roller Derby the performative aspect of the sport is examined. Focus in the study is toinvestigate how, according to the informants, roller derby can challenge conventional norms about sex and gender. The result of the study shows how the informants through their participation in roller derby are able to perform a different type of femininity and in this process also are empowered as women. The study also shows how the women-only-aspect of the sport is of greatimportance in their experience of roller derby..

Several studies shows that dietary supplements do not have any proven effects on health, yet these supplements are increasing in sales. The study aims to find out what attitudes and knowledge people involved in physical activity have towards supplements and which factors influence them to buy supplements. How these factors differ between men and women was investigated. The study is based on answers from 100 collected questionnaires from people who are physically active at several gyms. Of those who participated in the study, 56 percent were men and 44 percent were women.

This thesis is about the effect of political efficacy on societal participation among youths aged 15 to 29. It takes a starting point in the gloomy view of the decline of political participation among citizens in the western world, especially pointing out youths as a threat to democracy. This is a broad subject to take on so my aim becomes a bit more specific. The aim of the thesis is therefore to investigate if belief in ones own capacity and in the responsiveness of the political system affects the actual participation among youths in Europe, independent of a set of alternative predictors. Moreover the thesis is divided into two sub-investigations, one qualitative and one quantitative.

The purpose of the essay is to investigate how the position of women and girls in society can lead to a valid infringement of the right to privacy (art. 8 ECHR) by allowing the storage of personal data belonging to people who have not been convicted of a crime. The essay uses the traditional legal method to determine the applicable law, but is also grounded in a feminist approach in order to enable an interaction between jurisprudence and societal phenomena. The essay revolves around Directive 2016/680 and relevant case law in order to analyze the set requirements to enable an infringement of the right to privacy. In order to be able to analyze whether the requirements can be met based on the need to prevent men?s violence against women and girls, the essay will also describe the life situations of women and girls in society. The essay argues that the conditions at hand fall under art.

This thesis is set out as a testing of the crosscutting cleavages theory on twocontemporary cases. The aim is to test the explanation process of the crosscutting theory applied to the political and social situations in Belgium and Switzerland and furthermore to examine potential conflicts in pluralistic states. Our main questionis: How can the crosscutting cleavages theory explain the different outcomes ofsocial coexistence, even with the states numerous similarities? We have examined the two federal states through their social divisions of language, region, religion and socio-economy. Our findings show that both Belgium and Switzerland possess divisions in the above mentioned variables, which in most cases are cumulative structured.

Marks do not only work as an acknowledge of the effort that has been made under a long period of time, but also as a receipt for eligibility to further studies. Within the political debate, marks have often caused a big discussion among the political parties. That is due to the obvious difference between the political parties on the left, and their counterparts on the right. However, there is one thing that they all have in common. Everyone of them have plans of measure within their political agenda, regarding the use of marks.The aim of this study has been to try to understand the way pupils think about marks.

In this essay i present a study on political learning of a minority ethnicity whose political history in the institutional form began in 1993. The ethnicity in question is the Sami?s and in 1993 the Sami Parliament was established. The establishment of the Sami parliament radically changed the preconditions for political work. Sami politics came to be pursued in an organized manner in the form of a public authority and democratically elected units.