The power of the meeting is a qualitative study primarily examining how homeless men and women and social workers experience the meeting between them. The homeless are the more vulnerable part in these meetings so their experience of these meetings is my focus in this study. I have in this paper also examined and analyzed how and whether homeless women and men tends to be treated and ad-dressed differently with basis on their gender. The main results I have found is that the homeless but also social welfare officers actually feel that there is com-municative problems when the parts meet and cooperates which often results in conflicts and lack of trust. I have chosen to highlight a number of factors that have been claimed as the main reasons for the experience of a poor meeting.

The aim of this study is to understand which strategies helped women escape honourbased violence, by reading the autobiographies of seven women. Honourbased violence is a relatively new problem in Sweden, but it has existed for a long time. According to FN (2012) 5000 women are murdered every year in the name of honour. Honourbased violence is about maintaining the honour of the family. Womens sexuality is connected to menÂŽs honour, and because of that they are not allowed to express it.

Abstract Essay in political science, C-level, by Patrik Larsson, autumn semester 2007.Tutor: Susan Marton The battle over the agenda-Can media be regarded as an individual political actor? The purpose of this essay is to study to what extent media can be regarded to function as an individual political actor. In other words, do the media have more power over the political agenda than the politicians and do the media influence how the politicians make their decisions. This research is a case study and to be able to complete the intention of this study I have used Maxwell McCombs and Donald Shaws theory, the agenda-setting theory. From this theory I have used four aspects to analyse my material which has consisted of editorials from a Swedish newspaper, interpellations and debates that belong to the interpellations. The aspect I have worked with are, how the problem is defined, who is responsible for the problem, what values and which solutions are expressed.  I have used a qualitative text analysis as my methodological approach which means that the results of my study are my interpretation of the material. My conclusions are that the media in this case shouldn?t be regarded as an individual political actor because there is no tendency that shows that the media has influenced the government in their decisions concerning the real-estate tax.

AbstractThe purpose of this theses is to compare three different political groups, The IRA, The Baader-Meinhof group and the Al Qaida, who have all used terroristic methods to achieve their separate goals.By finding out about their history, goals, structures and methods I have made a comparison to see what joins them, what separates them, what originated the birth of their movements and how they can or could proceed with their violent actions to the point that they had actual impact on international politics.It has all been done through a litteraturebased study.My focuse has been on Al Qaida since it's is the only one of the three who is still active today and who, through its cellstructure, represents a new form of global terrorism that may have great influence on the structural patterns of other political groups and criminal organizations in the future.Key words:Al QaidaBaader-MeinhofIRATerrorismCellstructure.

In order to fully grasp the phenomena 'City' we must understand its political structure as an integrated part of its physical structure and vice versa. This thesis focuses on one crucial element of the City, the public space, and discusses it in relation to the public realm, or sphere, of the City. The aim is to see if it is possible to conceive public space as a spatial dimension of power, and if so, how to analyse this. With the help of the theoretical tool of two ideal types of the configuration of public space, "The city as civic public life" and "The city as authoritarian control" an empirical study is carried out on the case of Prishtina, capital of Kosovo.Conclusions made are that function and use of a city's public spaces can be understood in relation to changes in the political climate of the society. Furthermore, a void in the asset of concepts offered by the ideal types is found ? and therefore also need for new concepts to describe and understand a public space undergoing a dynamic transformation, as being a part of a city in political transition..

Compared to all existing ethnic groups in Sweden, the integration of Somali women has failed the most within the aspect of employment. This bachelor?s thesis investigates the obstacles in the integration of Somali women by focusing on one case, a project named ?Kvinnokraft?, partly financed by the European Socialfund.By interviewing eight key actors, opinions about obstacles in the project have been identified. A theoretical framework that incorporates integration, project research, multi-level governance and intersectionality contributes to explaining difficulties in integrating Somali women.The empirical findings show that there are individual, social and institutional holdbacks. Stereotypical perceptions were common amongst officials, which contributes to a creation of an inferior position in the structures of the society for Somali women.

The main objective of the essay is to define the meaning of the termgovernance network on the basis of democratic values ? both normative andimperial - with the aim to analyse the prospects to develop an effective anddemocratic governance. Democratic values as well as civil participation,enlightenment, responsibility and approachability are discussed, but also moreeffectivness orientated values.It is clear from the presentation how normative and democracy models putdifferent values in focus, with the consequence that other values are played downor pushed aside. Compared to imperial research in partnership ? by definition atype of network arrangement - and with a starting point in democracy andefficiency, the networks are discussed as political formation.In what sense can the actual existing network arrangements meet and fulfil thedefined political values? As no straight forward answer exists, there is an ongoingconflict between the political demand for slowness and the effectiveness demandfor flexibility and mobility..

Uppsatsen Àr en diskursanalytisk undersökning av representation av nationell kultur och identitet i tvÄ lÀroböcker i italienska som anvÀnds pÄ gymnasienivÄ. Uppsatsens syfte Àr att analysera hur nationell kultur och identitet representeras, mot bakgrund av ett intresse att synliggöra diskursiva och samhÀlleliga strukturer som avspeglas i representationen. I analysen lÀggs sÀrskild vikt vid att visa hur sociala maktrelationer mellan och inom nationella kulturer Äterspeglas i lÀroböckerna. Uppsatsens teoretiska utgÄngspunkter Àr inspirerade av den brittiske sociolingvisten Norman Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys och av socialkonstruktionistisk kulturteori som till stor del utgÄr frÄn kulturforskaren Stuart Halls resonemang. I uppsatsen anvÀnds Faircloughs tredimensionella modell för kritisk diskursanalys som metodologisk utgÄngspunkt. I analysen klarlÀggs att lÀroböckerna avspeglar och reproducerar diskurser som speglar ojÀmlika maktförhÄllanden inom nationella kulturer och i viss mÄn Àven mellan nationella kulturer. I lÀroböckernas representation av italiensk, nationell identitet förekommer stereotyper om syditaliensk identitet som Äterger en ojÀmn maktbalans inom det italienska samhÀllet mellan norra och södra Italien. LÀroböckernas representation av italiensk kultur utgÄr stundtals frÄn ett etnocentriskt svenskt perspektiv dÀr diskurser som kan förbindas med turistpropaganda accentueras. I avslutningen diskuteras Àven tÀnkbara konsekvenser av resultaten och exempel ges pÄ vidare forskning inom omrÄdet..

This thesis explores the decisions behind swedish principals to permit or prohibit political parties from visiting schools. Through a series of semistructured qualitative interviews with five respondents from different high schools, insights were gathered into their motivations regarding political party visits to schools. The results indicate that principals view political party visits as significant for fostering civic engagement, aligned with the school's democratic mission. However, some principals opt to prohibit such visits due to concerns about non democratic values and potential disruptions. Practical considerations like safety, logistical issues, and conflict risks are also crucial in their decision-making, highlighting awareness of potential challenges posed by political visits.

According to the theory of elitist democracy civic political participation should be reduced to participation in the democratic elections. This essay examines whether a high rate of institutionalized political participation beyond the elections leads to: (a) that those who are included gets a more favourable treatment at the expense of the common interest, in other words that their self interest threatens the political equality, (b) reduced freedom of action for the politicians and the headmasters, (c) the emergence of vague conditions of responsibility. These hypotheses are examined in an empirical study of user-boards at four schools on three locations in southern Sweden. In these user-boards the parents are in majority and have the right of decision, which has been delegated to them from the local government and the headmaster. The main conclusion is that, based on this empirical investigation, there is no support in any of the hypotheses.

In this thesis the fullcontact sport roller derby is examined and itÂŽs potential to work as a feminist strategy. Through interviews with six women who are active in the Gothenburgbased team Gothenburg Roller Derby the performative aspect of the sport is examined. Focus in the study is toinvestigate how, according to the informants, roller derby can challenge conventional norms about sex and gender. The result of the study shows how the informants through their participation in roller derby are able to perform a different type of femininity and in this process also are empowered as women. The study also shows how the women-only-aspect of the sport is of greatimportance in their experience of roller derby..

Several studies shows that dietary supplements do not have any proven effects on health, yet these supplements are increasing in sales. The study aims to find out what attitudes and knowledge people involved in physical activity have towards supplements and which factors influence them to buy supplements. How these factors differ between men and women was investigated. The study is based on answers from 100 collected questionnaires from people who are physically active at several gyms. Of those who participated in the study, 56 percent were men and 44 percent were women.

Abstract.

The purpose of the essay is to investigate how the position of women and girls in society can lead to a valid infringement of the right to privacy (art. 8 ECHR) by allowing the storage of personal data belonging to people who have not been convicted of a crime. The essay uses the traditional legal method to determine the applicable law, but is also grounded in a feminist approach in order to enable an interaction between jurisprudence and societal phenomena. The essay revolves around Directive 2016/680 and relevant case law in order to analyze the set requirements to enable an infringement of the right to privacy. In order to be able to analyze whether the requirements can be met based on the need to prevent men?s violence against women and girls, the essay will also describe the life situations of women and girls in society. The essay argues that the conditions at hand fall under art.

This thesis is about the effect of political efficacy on societal participation among youths aged 15 to 29. It takes a starting point in the gloomy view of the decline of political participation among citizens in the western world, especially pointing out youths as a threat to democracy. This is a broad subject to take on so my aim becomes a bit more specific. The aim of the thesis is therefore to investigate if belief in ones own capacity and in the responsiveness of the political system affects the actual participation among youths in Europe, independent of a set of alternative predictors. Moreover the thesis is divided into two sub-investigations, one qualitative and one quantitative.