The aim of this bachelor thesis is to examine the current situation as regarding the political equality in Iran. The method of this reaserch is based on a single-case studie wich grounds in secondary sources. The analysis of this paper is based on fields that concern political equality which in this study will focus on the right to vote, candidacies in the parliament election 2004 and the presidential election 2005. A democracy theory by Jack Lively is used to analyze the political equality in Iran´s political system.The Iranian regim is strongly criticized by the goverments in the Western world and NGO´s for the situation of the democracy and the human rights in the country. Despite the criticism, Iran still continues in the same political direction, although the democracy has gained a stronger role in the political sphere.

Tanzania har länge strävat efter att uppnå så kallad universal grundskoleutbildning, menhaft blandad framgång, år 2001 genomfördes ett nationstäckande projekt för att försökauppnå detta (BEMP). Som en del av projektet avskaffades skolavgiften i landets statligagrundskolor vilket förväntas öka närvaron i skolorna. I denna uppsats kommer enutbildningsmodell användas för att analysera hur situationen har utvecklats från år 1994till 2004 samt effekterna av projektet. En aning förvånande så visade det sig attnärvarograden har sjunkit mellan de undersökta åren. Slutsatsen som kan dras av det äratt skolavgiften endast utgör en liten del av kostnaden som förknippas medgrundskoleutbildningen och att det krävs fer åtgärder än att endast ta bort ekonomiskainträdeshinder för att uppnå universal grundskoleutbildning..

Rapporten är skriven på svenska. För att utveckla användarvänliga system finns ett flertal riktlinjer angående hur man ska designa systemet. Rapporten tar huvudsakligen upp de designprinciper som Professor Donald Norman utvecklade, och som behandlar varje område i ett informationssystem. Det finns även andra riktlinjer som beskriver användarprinciper och universal design, och som med fördel kan följas vid design av ett informationssystem. En grupp på North Carolina State University i USA är en av många som har utvecklat sju principer för att behandla användarvänlighet[1].

This paper discusses if Margin of Appreciation is compatible with the idea of universal human rights. Through the case of Negative freedom of association in Sweden, it studies the phenomenon that Giorgio Agamben has called the State of exception.The questions that are discussed and answered are 1) How does the rights theories of Jack Donnelly and Ronald Dworkin relate to Margin of appreciation, and 2) How has Margin of appreciation been applied in cases concerning the negative freedom of association in Sweden, in the European court for human rights. These questions and answers are then used in the discussion on how Margin of appreciation affects the concept of universal human rights. .

AbstractTitle: Electoral campaigns, social media and young voters ? a studie of how Moderaterna andSocialdemokraterna are going to reach out to the young voters in the electoral campaign of2010. (Valkampanjer, sociala medier och unga väljare- en studie av hur Moderaterna ochSocialdemokraterna ska nå de unga väljarna i valet 2010).Number of pages: 45Author: Sara RothmanTutor: Göran SvenssonCourse: Media and communication studies CPeriod: Autumn semester 2009University: Division of Media and Communication, Departement of Information Science,Uppsala University.Purpose/ Aim: The aim of this essay is to research how the two largest parties in Sweden,Moderaterna and Socialdemokraterna, are going to reach out to the young voters in theelectoral campaign of 2010. I will also find out how the young voters are going to collecttheir information before the election. That information will be compared to the strategies ofthe parties, in that way I can tell if their strategies match the young voters plans ofinformation search.Material/Method: In my eximination I chose to use two informant interviewes and fourdifferent groups of discussion.

A possible explanation for the inability of the governments of the world to implement necessary environmental policies is that they are worried of being punished by voters for implementing too forceful policies. But do voters actually punish governments that implement more stringent environmental policies? Few studies have explored this question directly. Parts of the literature on environmental policy and public opinion indicate that voters would predominantly reward governments that implement more stringent environmental policies, while other parts indicate that voters would predominantly punish them. It is also possible that voters punish governments that implement more stringent environmental policies in some contexts, but reward them in others.

AbstraktBegreppet främlingsfientlig använd's ofta i media om Sverigedemokraterna efter valframgångarna 2006. Indirekt ger detta väljarna samma stämpel. Är det främlingsfientlighet som får väljarna att rösta på partiet? Är det något annat väljarna vill ha sagt med sina röster? Vad tror Sverigedemokraterna's politiker är anledningen bakom framgången? Det vill jag ta reda på i denna uppsat's.För att uppnå syftet att få väljarna's uppfattning har jag genomfört ett femtiotal intervjuer där mer än hälften har varit Sverigedemokrater. Elva personer är dessutom ledande politiker inom partiet.

The purpose of this study has been to investigate the prospects for identifying and prosecuting individuals suspected of war crimes, within the process of exclusion from refugee status under article 1F(a) of the 1951 Refugee Convention, and using subsequent mechanisms for extradition or prosecution in international criminal law. A number of principles within human rights law and public international law have been advocated by the UNCHR and several human rights NGOs as necessary for a thorough application of the exclusion clauses; one that takes individual responsibility into account and upholds the aims and purposes of the exclusion clauses. There is a discussion as to whether specialised or accelerated exclusion procedures are justified for reasons of security and efficiency, or if they put the rights of the individual at risk and limit the opportunities for gathering information to support investigation and prosecution of the crime in question. Apart from the instruments of asylum law and procedure that have emerged within the EU harmonisation process, there are no general, binding rules on the procedural aspects of the exclusion clauses. One principle that regulates the consequences for the individual of exclusion from refugee status and decisions on extradition is, however, the principle of non-refoulement.

This thesis scrutinises the material on post World War II Swedish architecture produced by the Swedish Public diplomacy organisation "Svenska institutet" ("The Swedish Institute") during the period of 1945 through 1976. The outset is the dilemma encountered by every such organisation: how can the projected narrative of the own nation relate to as many countries as possible, without becoming too general? And how can the organisation address specific countries, without excluding others?By employing a two-sided model of interpreting the material, where it on the one hand is interpreted from the universal properties projected on the narrated architecture, and on the other hand from the particular ideological notions related to the same, the thesis suggests that the Swedish Institute continously relates the architecture to a West-European and American context by consistently connecting its universal properties to particular ideological notions orientated towards the West.The results underline the malleability in regard to ideological notions connected to modernist architecture. Earlier research in the Swedish context has focussed on how modernist architecture in Sweden, under the local tag "funktionalism", was established in regard to a Swedish audience as a particular Swedish architecture by relating it to a alleged continuos Swedish tradition, as well as to notions of a a progressive welfare state. By studying a similar material, though aimed towards a foreign audience, the thesis suggests that these allegations constitue an elucidatory example of how national and ideological narratives can form within the framework of technological-ideological dynamics of modernist architecture.

This paper examines the ideological content of the compulsory school policy of the Swedish Liberal Party. The aim of the study is to investigate whether the Liberal Party does really represent a liberal policy for the compulsory school, or if it is more accurately described as conservative. The analysis is carried through by two separate critical examinations of the Liberal Party motion on school politics to the parliament and the Conservative Party motion on school politics to the parliament respectively. A comparison is then made between the ideological contents of the two documents. The specific party policies are linked to universal definitions of liberalism and conservatism with the help of an analytical tool consistent of a series of educational philosophies.

Vad finns det för grundstenar inom den amerikanska odlingsterapin och hur används dessa i det odlingsterapeutiska programmet på North Carolinas Botaniska Trädgård? Jag ville få reda på svaren och bestämde mig för att åka över Atlanten och göra en fallstudie om NC Botaniska Terapiträdgård. Väl framme upptäckte jag genom litteraturen och människorna insatta i ämnet att det fanns ytterligare en designmetod som heter Universal Design inom den amerikanska odlingsterapin som jag inte kände till sedan tidigare. Resultatet av litteraturen och mitt platsbesök visar att det finns ett antal grundstenar inom den amerikanska odlingsterapin och Universal Design som används på det odlingsterapeutiska programmet på NC Botaniska Trädgårdar. Grundstenarna är följande: Tillgänglighet, Tydlighet, Variation och Utveckling och dessa påverkar designen av NC Botaniska Trädgårdens nya terapiträdgård. Denna resa har givit mig en inblick i vad den amerikanska odlingsterapin innebär och hur designen av NC Botaniska Trädgårds nya terapiträdgård kan se ut..

Gender politics in Sweden is considered unique because gender policies (jämställdhet) are integrated into national politics and politicised both in the public and the private sphere. The Swedish case is therefore considered a role model by many feminist scholars.This view has been criticised by both post modern feminists and public administration scholars. Critics imply that the increased immigration and more heterogeneous population have led to a new challenge for state institutions. The Swedish model, with its universal welfare solutions, lacks the ability to recognise differences within groups. Universal solutions that treat everyone the same is no longer the most just way to treat people.The growing use of goal orientation in Swedish public administration has increased the civil servants discretion in the implementation process, and thereby the space for differentiated treatment.

In Sweden there is scepticism if there really is a difference between the two biggest political parties, the Moderate/Conservative party and the Swedish Social Democrats. The voters feels that the arguments used by both parties are more or less the same and that it does not matter on whom you vote. Hence I am going to compare the parties? policy programs, developed by the members in each party, by an analysis of ideas to see if the two parties are so similar that they hardly are two different options, or if there is a divergence between the two. My choosing of the parties? policy programs comes from a decision to look at the members? party, they are the authors of the programs, the core. I have to admit I am not unbiased in this work.

Since the nineteen-fifties, the American political scientist Robert Dahl (born in 1915) has been one of the most prominent democracy theorists in the world. In the book Politics, Economics, and Welfare, he and his colleague Charles E. Lindblom in 1953 introduced the notion of polyarchy as a denomination for the incomplete democracies of the Western world. Linguistically speaking, this notion was formed in connection with the ones already existing in the philosopher Aristotle's (384-322 B.C.) comparative teachings on government. Later, it has become apparent that the notion of polyarchy has already been in use by other authors, such as Johannes Althusius (1614) and Sir Ernest Barker (1947).Robert Dahl has been active at Yale University (in New Haven, Connecticut, USA), and is regarded as one of the foremost representatives of the political-science discipline known as pluralism.

The aim of this thesis is to compare two different classification schemes with each other and see what the differences and similarities are when classifying literature concerning film and television. One of the schemes is of general kind, Klassifikationssystem för svenska bibliotek (SAB) and the other is a special system, FIAF Classification scheme for literature on film and television. The focus of the examination is on comparing the structure, contents and division of firstly the main classes and secondly on comparing the notation and the auxiliary tables in the schemes. The theoretical framework of the comparison is based upon theory of classification but the conclusions drawn are though mostly of a more subjective character. In addition to the comparison itself interviews have been made with four libraries, two with experiences of SAB and two with experiences of FIAF.