Hur staten organiserar sin förvaltning, i form av specialisering och samordning av verksamheten, har betydelse för hur väl uppdraget att implementera den politiska viljan genomförs. Många menar att betoningen på samordning idag ökat efter flera år av specialisering som dominerande organisationsform. Vi har därför valt att undersöka begreppet samordning och dess tillhörande problematik för att se hur, när och var samordning är önskvärt inom statlig förvaltning och vilka problem som kan uppstå. Då samordning är en flertydig term som kan vara svårförstådd, avser uppsatsen också konkretisera begreppet och dess övergripande problematik. Genom intervjuer på Migrationsverket ges praktiska exempel utifrån en svensk kontext.

Partly as a reaction to a perceived crisis in contemporary democracy, the nineties witnessed an upsurge in different forms of citizens? fora, dedicated to the promotion of increased participation by the citizen in the political process. Youth councils are a special point in case as they entail the general characteristics of a deliberative forum, with an emphasis on political learning. This study aims to undertake an evaluation of a regional youth council in the region of Skåne in the south of Sweden. Through qualitative analysis, the study aims to portray the origin, purposes and consequences of such a forum.

Although Sweden has democracy implemented in its Constitution, because of being a monarchy, it has a non-elected Head of State. The purpose of this thesis is on the one hand to show if it is possible to normatively legitimate the Swedish monarchy and on the other hand to display if and how the three biggest Swedish newspapers Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter and Expressen justify monarchy by making a content-oriented analysis of their coverage of King Carl XVI Gustaf's political statement during his state visit in Brunei 2004.By using consequentialism and deontology as perspectives I will show that it overall is not possible to normatively justify the Swedish monarchy compared to a Swedish republic with an elected Head of State. This is mainly because democracy is implemented in the Swedish Constitution. In all three newspapers there is only little debate on the Constitution. Most commonly journalists criticize the King's statement but not monarchy as an institution.

On the 17th of January 2002 the Swedish government presented a bill to theSwedish parliament, proposing ways of strengthening the Swedish democracythrough reforms for increased elements of participatory democracy. A publicreport on the state of the Swedish democracy had been released two years earlierwith similar enthusiasm for participatory democracy. However, the participatoryideals of these two documents were strongly criticised by a group of scholars.The aim of this thesis is to analyze and compare the arguments articulatedbetween the years 2000 and 2002 by the actors mentioned above, and to examinetheir relation to arguments concerning political participation, articulated bythinkers from previous times. By classifying the arguments into different groupsdepending on their content I find that both parties in the Swedish argumentationfocus on the effects of participatory democracy on political equality, on theefficiency of the political decision-making and the quality of the decisions beingmade, and finally on the personal character of the citizens. Among the argumentsarticulated by thinkers from previous times, similarities with the Swedishargumentation can be seen as well as important differences.

In May 2004 the European Union enlarged from 15 to 25 member states and it was the biggest enlargement since the foundation. Two years earlier Poland, as one of the new member states, finished four years of accession negotiations with the EU.This study focus on the case of Poland and how the accession negotiations with EU were conducted. According to the theoretical framework of asymmetric negotiations Poland was said to be a weak party and the EU was considered a strong party in the enlargement negotiations.The aim of the thesis is to examine Poland's negotiation performance and determine what Polish failure and success in the accession negotiations depends on. The research contains a illustration of the motives for enlargement, the negotiation process and structure, attitudes and behaviour and finally results of negotiations in specific areas.The study concludes that Poland's negotiation performance was influenced by the Polish negotiation team's unpleasant attitude, confused organizational structure, lack of coalition partners and the strong will to become a member state, in both positive and negative ways. Finally, Poland was most successful in negotiations that concerned specific issues which were of great importance for Poland but less prioritized by the EU..

After the orange revolution in Ukraine, hope was given to achieve fullydemocracy in the whole society. However, this has not been the outcome; theUkrainian public administration still has problems to deliver what the societydemands. By answering the question: ?Which problems have the publicadministration to become democratic and how can we explain them??, we analyzethe failures within the public administration to accomplish democratic procedures.The empirical material in this thesis is mainly obtained from interviews andresearch during a field study in Ukraine. The problems for the civil servants inUkraine to act as guardians of the society are strongly connected to an inadequateprofessional knowledge.

Uppsatsen behandlar frågan huruvida dagens Ungern bör kunna betraktas som en konsoliderad demokrati. Frågan utgår ifrån teorin om för att ett lyckat demokratiskt samhälle ska kunna uppnås måste fem dimensioner vara uppfyllda: ett väl fungerande och demokratiskt institutionaliserat civilsamhälle, politiskt samhälle och ekonomiskt samhälle samt en rättstat och statsbyråkrati. Uppsatsen tar tre av dessa samhälleliga arenor i beaktande samt medborgarnas och politikernas attityder och utgår i huvudsak från artiklar, böcker och tidsskrifter. För att åskådliggöra Ungerns utveckling från demokratisk transition till dagens situation har en viss historisk tillbakablick varit nödvändig för att ge perspektiv åt landets sociala, politiska och ekonomiska händelseförlopp..

Because of a more globalised world the national states have been forced to make structural changes at both national, regional and local level to cope with different challenges. The regional community has become an important area which has resulted in a policy of more self governing, both for the regional and the local level.The aim of the thesis is to study the relation between regional and local level in the partnerships organisation. To fulfil the aim of the thesis, a case study of Region Skåne is used. The analyse is based on expressions such as cooperation, conflict, power and influence.The result of the thesis confirms that the opinion between the regional and the local level is very different. The representatives from Region Skåne experience the cooperation as quite good because it creates an opportunity for discussions and a possibility to learn from the other actors which in turn creates a qualification in the exchange of knowledge.

This thesis aims to examine the possibility of understanding social change by using new institutionalism approaches on a specific case, The case, which describes the implementation of new public management reform in the Swedish health care system, is analysed from two separate new institutionalismperspectives; the tool perspective and the symbol perspective. These approaches differ from one another in the sense that the first relies on a rational choice ontology, while the latter rather refers to a sociological tradition. In the analysis, causal explanations as well as aim related explanations are presented. Formative moments such as economic stagnation, non-socialist governments and ideological isomorfism are presented as important factors behind the reformation. By using the tool perspective, the motives of the idea spreading and reformation of the Swedish health care system, are connected to a strictly rationalbasis such as cost efficiency and quality improvements.

This thesis deals with the concept of soft balancing, traditionally defined as the diplomatic means of restraining a dominant state's ability to exercise its military power. As the dominant power in today's unipolar system, the United States, and other states? behaviour towards it, is the focus of analysis. The aim of this thesis is to explore the possibilities of developing the concept of soft balancing so as to include strategies to restrain also the political and economic capabilities of a dominant power. The thesis also considers the possibilities of soft balancing that small states ? to a large extent overlooked in existing theories on the subject - can possess.As a state with policies that aim to reduce the U.S.

In 2002 the local council of Lund, Sweden, decides to implement the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child. A number of actors, such as the state, the civil society, the political society and the bureaucracy, participate in the political process with different authority and points of departure. This thesis studies the actors´ interactions from an inside perspective by applying concepts such as political power, democracy and implementation. The methodological departure is action research from within, a local NGO, the local board of Save the Children Sweden. The results of the study indicate that governance and steering of the implementation process at the communal level is weak.

1975 besökte Olof Palme med en delegation den kommunistiska diktaturen Kuba där han uttalade sig positivt om landets utveckling. Dessutom betonades vänskapen mellan länderna. Vilka faktorer låg bakom statsministern agerande? Analysen har utgått från system-, stats- och individnivå, där en addition av dessa tre nivåer lett oss fram till våra resultat.Vid en analys av Olof Palmes belief systems visar det sig att han blev demokratisk socialist genom sina resor till Nordamerika och Asien, där ett kolonialt förtryck pågick. När Vietnamkriget blossade upp såg Palme ett liknande förtryck från en stor stat mot en liten stat, på samma sätt som USA var mot Kuba, men bortsåg från förtrycket som regimen utövade.

AbstractEn förklaring till Irakkriget tror vi inte kan finnas i vare sig retoriken eller i påståendet om att det var ett folkrättsligt legalt internationellt sanktionerat krig. Detta är en teoriprövande studie där de två teoretiska perspektiven i Statsvetenskaplig internationell politik; Marxism och Realism undersöks, vi vill se om de bättre kan förklara varför USA invaderade Irak. Huvudproblemet i uppsatsen är att identifiera orsakerna till varför Irakkriget blev ett faktum. Vi går i b-uppsatsen igenom olika perspektiv inom respektive skola och redogör i kortfattade drag för dess synsätt. Vi har samlat in material både om Irakkriget i sig och om de teorier vi vill pröva.

Uppsatsen behandlar Bosnien som ett fall av statsbyggande under utländsk intervention. Det är nu 10 år sedan Dayton-avtalet undertecknades, ett avtal som inte bara syftade till att få ett slut på den blodiga konflikten utan även till att bygga upp den nya staten Bosnien-Hercegovina samt dess institutioner. Under det gångna decenniet har vi dock fått bevittna ytterligare två fall inom samma kategori, interventionerna i Afghanistan och Irak. Det kan dock snabbt konstateras att ingen av dessa stater idag kan klassificeras som helt suveräna då internationella aktörers inflytande är ytterst påtagligt på olika sätt. I alla fall i Bosnien verkar den demokratiska utvecklingen ha avstannat och landet står vid ett vägskäl; att närma sig EU med allt vad det innebär av reformer samt demokratisk och ekonomisk utveckling eller bibehålla det nuvarande dödläget vilket kan dra in landet i en destruktiv spiral och återuppväcka konflikten.

I denna uppsats analyseras debatten kring Turkiets ansökan om medlemskap i EU. Argument för och emot Turkiets medlemskap analyseras utifrån tre kategorier: pragmatiska, värdegrundsorienterade och moraliska argument. Dessa kategorier hänförs till olika idealtyper. Idealtyperna kopplas i sin tur till en övergripande inställning till EU.Analysen av debatten bringar i första hand klarhet i argumentationen i det specifika studerade fallet. Genom att relatera argumenten till idealtyper, som utgår från grundläggande inställningar avseende EU:s identitet, tillförs också en generaliserande ambition.Den största delen av argumentationen har upptagits av pragmatiska argument.