Konkurrens av privata aktörer på skolområdet verkar inte leda till ökad effektivitet, snarare tvärt om. Effekten på medelbetyg verkar vara marginell, samtidigt som de elever i en kommun som redan har svaga resultat drabbas negativt, och effekten i det sambandet kan växa över tid. De elever som drabbas behöver inte vara samma som går i friskolorna. Friskolor ser ut att ha en kostnadsdrivande effekt. Inom den teori som kallas New Public Management antar man att marknadens strukturer kan föras över på den offentliga förvaltningen, men det verkar inte stämma på skolområdet.

Den 11 september 2001 förändrades världen. USA var inte längre skyddat av stora hav utan var nu sårbart för anfall. En ny värld krävde nya krig och de gamla doktrinerna för rättfärdigande av krigföring och nationalstatens suveränitet sattes ur spel i sökandet efter terrorister.Efter att Talibanregimen var störtad i Afghanistan var det största hotet mot USA säkerhet och världens fred diktaturen i Irak och diktatorn Saddam Hussein. Man sökte nu ett rättfärdigande av en militär invasion av Irak och presidentens retorik sökte med snabbt legitimitet i teorierna om rättfärdiga krig.Det nya amerikanska försvarsdoktrinen krävde en modig retorik för att rättfärdiga det kontroversiella beslutet om att ? efter många år ? avsätta den Irakiska diktatorn.Gränsen mellan mod och dumdristighet är hårfin.

De mänskliga rättigheterna brister i sin universalism. Många människor som lever i demokratier nekas grundläggande rättigheter därför att de inte är medborgare i den stat där de bor. Anledningen till detta är att nationalstater, som har ansvar för att de mänskliga rättigheterna efterföljs, traditionellt endast anses ha ansvar för sina medborgare. Uppsatsen utreder och synliggör motsättningen mellan mänskliga rättigheters inkluderande och medborgerliga rättigheters exkluderande natur samt vilka konsekvenser detta får för icke-medborgare.Tre teorier om postnationellt medborgarskap presenteras och genom en mer utförlig diskussion av dessa idéer försöker vi i en konstruktiv ansats utforma en mer inkluderande medborgarskapsmodell i två nivåer; den globala och den nationella. I denna modell utgör de mänskliga rättigheterna en juridisk grund för ett medborgarskap för de människor som saknar det nationella.

In this thesis we have tried to show the problems that the categorisation of ?norrlänningar? generates. We have also tried to describe what the stereotypes of ?norrlänningar? are by examining what people say on web logs. The method we have used to find the stereotypes in our empirical material is the discourse analyse.

Människor har ett behov av delaktighet i sociala sammanhang, att ha meningsfulla relationer till andra individer. Detta är en förutsättning för ett gott socialt välbefinnande. Den här studien undersöker ifall internetcafeér kan ha betydelse för det sociala välbefinnandet hos individer. Datainsamlingen gjordes genom observationer, intervju samt fokusgruppdiskussioner. Datan analyserades enligt etnografisk metodansats med induktiv kvalitativ innehållsanalys, vilket resulterade i indelningen i kategorier som på olika sätt berör det sociala välbefinnandet.

I have studied how network in a broad sense can affect decision-making. The primary purpose is to see if the political initiative somewhere disappears when it comes to understand the relations between power, actors and politics. The study discuss in a theoretical area that concerns the reliability in neoinstitutionalism to use as an analytical instrument. Some criticism is given to the theoretical standpoint in the sense that there is no power perspective included in the theory. I include a discussion about a concept of power, which I include to the theory.

This is a study about the relation between the Swedish school and the political system of Sweden. I wanted to see if the relation had changed since the election of 2010 as it was in that election the Sweden Democrats got over five percent of the votes and took seat in the Swedish parliament. The thing that is unique about this election is that it was really the first time a right-wing party had been elected into the Swedish parliament. Many experts argue that this is the first xenophobic party that has been elected into the Swedish parliament. This led to a problem for schools and their principals and a difficult question to answer because xenophobia is contrary to the school?s core values and the school?s democratic mission.Should the school still be open for political parties? How do schools manage to distinguish between political information and political propaganda? If parties still are welcome into the schools, which parties should be allowed? The equality ombudsman has said in a report that the schools have to comply with the principle of objectivity, which stipulates that the public sector has to be unbiased.I have chosen to make use of a qualitative method because I think the study then gets a deeper understanding of the topic.

I denna studie undersöks hur TP (Tetra Pak) genom högre grad av legitimitet kan förbättra sitt miljöarbete. För detta ändamål har TP:s miljöarbete undersökts både ur ett internt och externt perspektiv men även ur ett uppifrån och ner-perspektiv. Legitimitet och nyinsitutionalism har använts som teoretiska verktyg i uppsatsen. Vår analys är en fallstudie över TP:s miljöarbete. De slutsatser vi har kommit fram till baseras på de resultat som erhållits genom både interna och externa intervjuer.

AbstractCommunication and information has become a large industry in today?s society. More and more organisations use these means as tools of influence. Non-profit organization?s campaigns, which aim to change a behavior, often have a political responsibility and it is therefore important that these are carefully planned and carried through.

This thesis analyzes the media debates generated by the election of Omar Mustafa to the board of the social democratic party, and the appointment of the conservative Minister of Labour, Elisabeth Svantesson. More specifically, the aim is to analyze newspaper material through a discourse analyze, to see if and how religious affiliation effects the possibilities to act as a political representative. Theories of othering and intersectionality serve as theoretical points of departure. Further, chains of equivalence from Laclau and Mouffe?s discourse theory are used to study how categories as ?us? and ?the other? are constructed in the material, and how these processes of categorization relate to the intersection of religion, gender and ethnicity.

Interaction is an important part of children?s development. The school is a main arena in which children learn to interact, mainly through their playing. This study aims at investigating the role of interaction in a leisure school didactic setting. The aim of the study is to gain a better understanding for how the pupils develop though use of social interaction.

Vi behandlar prostitutionen i Thailand genom att undersöka hur den prostituerades roll har konstruerats i samhället. Empiriskt använder vi oss av en thailändsk statlig rapport, som svarar på FN-avdelningen CEDAWs antidiskrimineringskonvention. I denna rapport redogörs för kvinnorättssituationen i landet. Med feministisk teori gör vi en kvalitativ textanalys för att klarlägga den politiska diskursen kring den prostituerades roll och hur denna har formats. Utifrån vår analys konstaterar vi att den prostituerade hamnar i ett stigma där hon beroende på situationen identifieras som antingen en promiskuös agent med personliga ekonomiska incitament eller som ett hjälplöst offer.

The purpose of this study has been to investigate which factors are important with foster home placing, to achieve a positive result for the child. The questions that we have focused on is the importance of the child's earlier experiences and relations, the foster homes attitude and approach, the social service organization and the cooperation between these concerned parties. We have also looked at the importance that the relation between the biological family, the child and the foster home can have. This study has been carried out using qualitative interviews with several foster homes, social welfare secretaries and a researcher in the area. We have also chosen to separate the foster homes on the basis of two foster homes only accepting teenagers while other accepting younger children.The theoretical concepts we have chosen to use are connected to attachment theory and the ecology of human development point of view.

The aim of this paper is to expand the debate on globalization and its consequences from a theoretical perspective emphasizing social processes of exclusion and inclusion. I explore these social processes in dialogue with the Spanish social movement for the rights of irregular immigrants. The paper also aims to explore new forms of resistance in the context of globalization."The declinist thesis" argues that globalization has lead to a declining importance of the nation-state and the national citizenship as guarantees of rights. "The anti-declinist thesis" oppose to this picture arguing that rights still depend on national policies. I also discuss the functions of exclusion and inclusion inherited in the concepts of citizenship and nation-state.I outline the historical and political context of the movement and explore the ideas and organizational dimensions of the movement's "knowledge praxis".I conclude that national citizenship - in a broader sense as a description of the relationship between the individual and the state - seems to play a crucial role in the life situation and the possibilities of irregular migrants to organize and protest.

The debate concerning face veiling has been brought in to view by several governments in Europe. Luca Mavelli studies the debate regarding the burqa using the concept of securitization and from that the objective of this study is to analyze the medial- and the political discourse in Sweden regarding the burqa. The formulated questions drawn from this is; who are the securitizing actors? According to the securitization actors, who can de defined as a referent object? Wherein is the threat according to the securitizing actors? Is it possible to recognize a difference between the medial and the political discourse?Furthermore the paper adopts the theoretical framework that is the concept of securitization, formulated by the Copenhagen School of security. The methodological foundation is based on a social constructivist approach and consequently uses Norman Faircloughs critical discourse analyzes as an analytical tool.