My study is about how parents talk to their children about alcohol. The purpose of my study was to study how young teenagers communicate with their parents about alcohol. I also wanted to find out if parents have any influence over their children's choice of drinking. I have chosen to look at these questions from the perspective that alcohol is a cultural phenomenon, that children is a part of a family system and that alcohol can be viewed as a part of the children's liberation from their parents. I used a qualitative research method and interviewed five young teenagers, who are students at upper secondary schools ("gymnasium" in Swedish) in Lund, they where all under 18 years old.

The centre of attention in this essay is on public-private-partnerships in Swedish city planning. It discusses the phenomenon and tries to identify the problems and possibilities that may appear when private and public actors are trying to work together to plan new cities or parts of cities in a process with network structures. The main questions that is asked is ?what vision for the city can we se, and who's vision is it?? together with the question of where the actual power to make the city plan and the vision can be find. The soon-to-be-built area Ulriksdal in Stockholm were Peab AB and Solna Stad stands as main actors has been chosen to illustrate the possible problems and is analysed from different angles, but the writers intention is also to say something on the matter in general.

On December 20, 2001, the Swedish citizen Mehdi Ghezali was captured on the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Ghezali spent the following 930 days in U.S. captivity, without being charged with any crime. My aim in this essay is to analyze how Ghezali was portrayed in three Swedish newspapers under and after his captivity, two nationwide and one local newspaper based in Ghezali's hometown. My purpose is to see whether Ghezali's identity is constructed differently in the three newspapers, as regards The Other, Stereotypization, etc.

In recent years the liberal representative democracy has been subject of a substantial critique because of its inability to accommodate difference and createa genuinely democratic political process. One such critique comes from the theory of deliberative democracy. Supporters of deliberative democracy try to promote a model of democracy that take its vantage point in free and equal deliberationbetween all relevant actors in a political community. This model has with some success opposed the aggregative model of democracy, and in important ways turned the attention to the potential of deliberative processes.However, the deliberative model is still somewhat underdeveloped when it comes to issues of diversity and difference. This essay deals with such deficiencies by analysing deliberative democracy in the light of the critiquelaunched by difference- and radical democrats.

Uppsatsen behandlar frågan huruvida dagens Ungern bör kunna betraktas som en konsoliderad demokrati. Frågan utgår ifrån teorin om för att ett lyckat demokratiskt samhälle ska kunna uppnås måste fem dimensioner vara uppfyllda: ett väl fungerande och demokratiskt institutionaliserat civilsamhälle, politiskt samhälle och ekonomiskt samhälle samt en rättstat och statsbyråkrati. Uppsatsen tar tre av dessa samhälleliga arenor i beaktande samt medborgarnas och politikernas attityder och utgår i huvudsak från artiklar, böcker och tidsskrifter. För att åskådliggöra Ungerns utveckling från demokratisk transition till dagens situation har en viss historisk tillbakablick varit nödvändig för att ge perspektiv åt landets sociala, politiska och ekonomiska händelseförlopp..

The chosen task in this thesis is to compare two projects of importance on the impact on the approach to graffiti in Norrköping and Göteborg. My main source for empirical findings was interviews. I have examined the Norrköping project Canslit including legal graffiti walls and a graffiti school and the political process around it. This was compared to the Göteborg project kulturprojekt Röda Sten, which is a cultural center that happens to be covered in illegal graffiti. The conclusion was that due to the very detailed plans and well-functioning communications between actors in the Norrköping project, this has resulted in a creative, tolerant approach to graffiti still with low rate of illegal graffiti.

Utgångspunkten för uppsatsen är att synliggöra erfarenheter av rasifiering som de upplevs i vardagen. Uppsatsen erbjuder en vidare förståelse av rasismens mekanismer och låter sig inte begränsas av den vedertagna definitionen av vad rasism innebär. Det empiriska materialet utgörs av tre reflexiva intervjuer med tre unga kvinnor i Skåne som kretsar kring deras personliga erfarenheter av vardagsrasism. Intervjuerna har analyserats med hjälp av diskursanalys och postkolonial teori för att öka förståelsen för hur den strukturella rasismen präglas av asymmetriska maktförhållanden. Den rasistiska diskursen positionerar kvinnorna och tillskriver dem egenskaper utifrån föreställda kulturella skillnader.

Trafficking är ett problem som ökat markant under de senaste decennierna i takt med det allt mer globaliserade samhället. Given den transnationella karaktären hos problemet, krävs det ett internationellt samarbete för att komma till en lösning på trafficking. Icke- statliga organisationernas arbete mot problemet är vitalt för att få ett slut på den moderna formen av slavhandel Vi gör en komparativ fallstudie över tre organisationer som, med olika intressen och syn på problemet, föreslår olika åtgärder. Genom denna fallstudie har vi som intention att se till hur dessa organisationers olika formuleringsprocesser snarare bidrar till konflikt än till samarbete. Dessa organisationer ställer vi i relation till FN, som vi menar kan verka som medlande part och ett instrument för organisationerna att få sina röster hörda..

In this thesis we investigate the level of deliberative democracy in the current implementation of the 24/7 Agency in the local government. We are interested in how the combination of the two seemingly opposing ideals of Demokratiutredningen and the 24/7 Agency is solved. Our analysis is based on interviews with civil servants from three kommuner in Skåne and a schematic overview of their websites. As a theoretical framework we use New Public Management Theory, Deliberative Democracy Theory, and Citizen Theory.We have found that the local 24/7 Agency is initiated and implemented by public servants. Their experiences and worldview is mirrored in both process and result.

I föreliggande uppsats undersöks implementeringsproblematiken kring Lagen om offentlig upphandling (LOU). Problematiken identifierats och systematiseras, men förklaras också delvis.De problem som uppvisas berör i första hand de dimensioner av implementeringsstyrning som benämns direkt styrning, indirekt styrning, kontroll, motivation samt externa hinder.Vissa specifika problem får sin förklaring genom olika teoretiska perspektiv på kontraktsstyrning. En mer övergripande förklaring till problematiken föreslås vara att beslutsfattandet i samband med de offentliga organisationernas upphandlingar i enlighet med LOU, ännu inte är rutiniserat..

The purpose of this thesis is to expose the political myth in the West about the ageing population seen as a threat against the welfare society. To do so I have described what a political myth is, and showed how it is presented in the most influential newspapers and organisations in the West. I have also presented alternative perspectives to the dominating view on the ageing population and it's impacts on welfare. In this way I have tried to point out that the subject has a political dimension. In the thesis last section I compare the message presented in the newspapers and the organisations with the characteristics of a political myth.

Detta är en undersökning som tar upp hur en orientalistisk mediediskurs med ett polariserat synsätt kan ta sig uttryck i svensk medierapportering i samband med terrorattentaten i Madrid den 11 mars 2004 och London den 7 juli 2005. Det empiriska materialet är hämtat från två av Sveriges ledande dagstidningar, Aftonbladet och Dagens Nyheter. Vi utgår ifrån Edward Saids postkoloniala teori om orientalism, som menar att västerländsk media angående muslimer och islam genomsyras av ett synsätt som betonar Väst som "vi" och den muslimska världen som "de andra". Undersökningen ger exempel på hur en diskurs som kan anses inspirerad av orientalism kan ta sig uttryck inom svensk medierapportering..

In this essay I analyze the concepts security and security policy from a critical, feministic point of view. The traditional way of thinking security is state-centred and narrow with its military oriented threatening pictures and solutions.I advocate that the two concepts need a more feministic and holistic approach to be able to cope with the threats of our time and include the security for women explicitly.To suggest how this can be done I introduce a model; security-sphere, which should be seen as a way to constructively connect my objections to the existing research with a new approach to security problems. The security-sphere is based on two analytical parts; the private security sub-sphere and the public security sub-sphere, in order to make new images of security problems visible.It is a fact that most of the threats against women specifically, take place in the private sphere where no traditional analytical tools reach in - these threats have not been seen as 'real' security problems. My aim is therefore to integrate these issues into the agenda of security policy..

The aim of the study was to examine how substance abuse influences social relationships to families, friends and others. Five ex addicts in a treatment centre were interviewed. We used thematic interviews with themes that we regarded as relevant for our study. In the analysis we applied the theoretical concept of symbolic interactionism. Theories of emotions also helped us to explain feelings that arise in the social relationships.

Demokrati anses vara det bästa sättet att uppnå de mänskliga rättigheterna som bestämts av FN. Men varför har inte den muslimska världen kommit till samma slutsats?Huntington skänkte oss sin syn att islam och demokrati inte är kompatibla. Men är det hela sanningen? Denna uppsats försöker måla upp en klar bild av varför det verkar vara så svårt för den muslimska världen att välja den demokratiska vägen.