The purpose of this study was principally to illuminate and describe how the alteration in law (1994:137) about the reception of asylum seekers and others has been implemented at some different authorities in Sweden, according to separated children; children who have fled to Sweden without their parents or other adult guardians. Beside this I want to, as a part, describe how the child perspective looks like at the authorities. The study refers to illuminate and describe the first time for the separated children in Sweden, which means from the arrival and about one year ahead. Qualitative interviews have been used as a method to especially investigate how the subjects of my interview understand their commission according to the separated children, how the practice situation looks like for and according to the separated children in relation to existing laws and instructions and finally how my subjects of interview think about the above mentioned alteration in law (1994:137), which means distribution of responsibility between Swedish authorities.My study showed that there were implementation problems according to the alteration in law (1994:137). The intentions to make it better for the separated children through the law alteration don't work in a good or satisfying way in the practice situation..

I denna uppsats utforskas det narrativa perspektivet som ett möjligt analytiskt grepp för att komma åt maktstrukturer, där erkännandet av identiteter analyseras som en upplevd domän av dominans. Uppsatsen inleds med en utveckling av begreppet diskursiv makt, vilket görs genom användande av Steven Lukes teori om maktens tredje ansikte. Följande därpå diskuteras hur man med hjälp av det narrativa greppet kan förstå makten som reglerar berättandet av jaget. Denna makt ses som påvisad då teman i metanarrativ och framträder som reproducerade i konkreta narrativ. Resonemanget klargörs genom en diskussion om republikanismen som ett metanarrativ, vilket relateras till hur maktutövning genom erkännandet kan ta sig uttryck..

Since a decade back in time, Sweden is officially recognised as a multicultural society. Different cultures exist side by side and the city of Malmo is one of the clearest examples of this setting. In multicultural societies, the dichotomy of ?us? versus ?them? is common, which leads to segregation and asymmetrical relations of power. The concept of intercultural education is in theory known to be able to create a position of ?us? where every culture is equally recognized and reinterpreted and thus become an alternative to the dichotomy.

The purpose of this essay was to examine six high school welfare officers' experiences and work with students suffering from social phobia and discuss the welfare officers' view on social phobia from a psychiatric, cognitive and a knowledge theory. The study consists of qualitative interviews with welfare officers from several different high schools and attempts to answer the following questions: What previous experiences do welfare officers have of students with social phobia? How do welfare officers become aware of students with symptoms of social phobia and bring forth their problems? How do welfare officers describe their social work with students suffering from social phobia?The welfare officers' experiences of students with social phobia varied but turned out to be less salient than the amount of research in the area would suggest. The theoretical knowledge also varied, as did the acquiring and use of theory. These findings were then analysed on the basis of Rosmari Eliassons thoughts on knowledge, leading to the conclusion that the interviewed welfare officers do not construct their work on praxis-knowledge.

Due to the political system in Vietnam, all organizations in Vietnam need a permit to operate in the country and consequently, have to balance their mission, their main purpose of being in the country, with the fact that they are dependant on the government to give them the permit they need to stay in the country.With this as our basis, the main focus of this essay has been to identify different types of relations that exist between the Vietnamese state and International Non Governmental Organisations (INGOs) in Vietnam. Since we have interviewed people representing INGOs, our result is based on their experience of this relationship. By using Najam's Four-C's Model, we established that the more traditional INGOs which principally provide services, predominantly have a cooperative relationship with the state, whereas radical INGOs which are committed to policy change, mostly have a relationship which is characterised by conflict..

Our purpose was to investigate if Swedish University educated social workers, living as active Christians, in any way might be influenced by Christian values. The main questions; Can Christian values be a factor in the choice of career to become a social worker? How does a personal belief in Christ impact the relationship towards the clients? Is Christian belief a support in the work? In this paper we used a qualitative method and interviewed eight persons, with a background as above, four of them employed by a church organisation and the other four working in the social sector. The result we present is that the eight Christian social workers Christian belief influenced their work very individually. How much this supported them was a choice about how official and open they wanted Christian values to be.

In 1992, the European Union began institutionalizing the cooperation against terrorism within the EU structure. Since then, this cooperation has gone through a number of changes. From a historical institutionalistic point of departure we explain these changes by identifying sources of institutional resilience and institutional change. Based on these results, we were able to pose hypotheses of when and what category of change was most likely to take place.The results show that the cooperation against terrorism within the EU was most likely to remain stable because of strong sources of institutional resilience. If change would occur through an increase in the sources of institutional change, it was most likely to be of a less extensive category.

The present state of politics in contemporary Venezuela portrays a country of polarization, a chase for power and accusations of authoritarian and even undemocratic rule. The purpose of this bachelor thesis is to examine the democracy in Venezuela, in order to clarify the sometimes vauge perception of the political situation. By applying the theories of polyarchical democracy put forth by Robert Dahl, one of the most highly regarded theorists on the subject, accordingly the discussion will therefore follow a theoretical framework. Dahl requires seven nstitutions to be guaranteed in a democracy, amongst them the possibility to vote, run for public office and the practise of freedom of speech. Measuring Dahl's levels of institutions in Venezuela, it is made clear that the level of democracy vary in different areas.

This thesis is a study of social movements and their possibilities to effect politics by infuencing values in society through framing. I've looked upon social movements from a functionalistic-structuralistic perspective, as if they were carriers of values from people that otherwise won't be represented in the political life. The values that the social movements are struggling for can affect both the opinion and the decision-makers since the social movements in an active way are trying ti influence the society. The thesis examines the political opportunities that social movements hav to mobilise and grow. I have looked at different factors that either improve or make the political opportunities worse.

In this thesis I discuss and analyse the use of violence of Basque radical nationalists after the 11th of September 2001 and the bombing of Madrid the 11th of March 2004. The field study is performed in the Basque country with interviews both on the French and Spanish side of the border with representatives from the Basque Nationalist Liberation Movement (BNLM).After the 11th of September the Spanish government continued its struggle against the countries own terror - ETA. But as the research will show the new political context after the 11/9 made it possible for the state to intensify the labelling of groups from the BNLM as terrorist organisations and thereby putting its members and leaders in prison for terrorism. My research shows that this social change may lead to a mobilisation of activists inside ETA, which in turn might create a continuity of the group's use of violence. The scenario is though challenged by an other setting in which the political situation after the 11/9 have made use of violence by militant groups like ETA illegitimate and irrational as a consequence of the mental trauma among the people of the western world.

Konkurrens av privata aktörer på skolområdet verkar inte leda till ökad effektivitet, snarare tvärt om. Effekten på medelbetyg verkar vara marginell, samtidigt som de elever i en kommun som redan har svaga resultat drabbas negativt, och effekten i det sambandet kan växa över tid. De elever som drabbas behöver inte vara samma som går i friskolorna. Friskolor ser ut att ha en kostnadsdrivande effekt. Inom den teori som kallas New Public Management antar man att marknadens strukturer kan föras över på den offentliga förvaltningen, men det verkar inte stämma på skolområdet.

Den 11 september 2001 förändrades världen. USA var inte längre skyddat av stora hav utan var nu sårbart för anfall. En ny värld krävde nya krig och de gamla doktrinerna för rättfärdigande av krigföring och nationalstatens suveränitet sattes ur spel i sökandet efter terrorister.Efter att Talibanregimen var störtad i Afghanistan var det största hotet mot USA säkerhet och världens fred diktaturen i Irak och diktatorn Saddam Hussein. Man sökte nu ett rättfärdigande av en militär invasion av Irak och presidentens retorik sökte med snabbt legitimitet i teorierna om rättfärdiga krig.Det nya amerikanska försvarsdoktrinen krävde en modig retorik för att rättfärdiga det kontroversiella beslutet om att ? efter många år ? avsätta den Irakiska diktatorn.Gränsen mellan mod och dumdristighet är hårfin.

De mänskliga rättigheterna brister i sin universalism. Många människor som lever i demokratier nekas grundläggande rättigheter därför att de inte är medborgare i den stat där de bor. Anledningen till detta är att nationalstater, som har ansvar för att de mänskliga rättigheterna efterföljs, traditionellt endast anses ha ansvar för sina medborgare. Uppsatsen utreder och synliggör motsättningen mellan mänskliga rättigheters inkluderande och medborgerliga rättigheters exkluderande natur samt vilka konsekvenser detta får för icke-medborgare.Tre teorier om postnationellt medborgarskap presenteras och genom en mer utförlig diskussion av dessa idéer försöker vi i en konstruktiv ansats utforma en mer inkluderande medborgarskapsmodell i två nivåer; den globala och den nationella. I denna modell utgör de mänskliga rättigheterna en juridisk grund för ett medborgarskap för de människor som saknar det nationella.

Can coercive care be justified against drug and alcohol addicts or should treatment be offered on a strictly voluntary basis? This was one of the central questions debated in Sweden during the 70's when the development of a new social legislation, The Social Services Act (Socialtjänstlagen), took place. The first aim of this thesis was to analyse whether the arguments that were presented both in favour for and against coercion were sound. To achieve this, a method for analysing arguments was employed, where a sound argument is defined as acceptable, relevant and adequate. The analysed material consists of both official government reports and books of influential debaters.

Syftet med denna uppsats har varit att undersöka vad högskolestudenter har för matvanor och kroppsuppfattning. Resultatet grundar sig på enkätsvar som delades ut till 48 studenter vid en högskola i södra Sverige, 24 kvinnor och 24 män. Tre grupper utformades: Ekonomutbildning, Lärarutbildning och Hälsa/ vårdutbildning. Resultatet visar att det att 44 av de 48 deltagarna anser sig ha bra självkänsla men majoriteten ansåg att skolarbetet påverkade självkänslan. Många kände sig även stressade inför tentor vilket för en del fick följden att de slarvade med maten.