This essay is about North Korea, Kim Jong Il and how the future looks for the states political system. The purpose is to explain how Kim Jong Il and the North Korean regim rules the state and with help of Machiavellis theory about the Prince, tell about the states future. The essayinvestigates how well Kim Jong Il and the North Korean regime are keeping their power overthe state and if their possibilities to continue in the same way are good or bad. The essayinvestigates North Koreas possibilities for further reign through Niccolo Machiavellis theory.The argument is that the North Korean state and Kim Jong Il have few or noneconditions to continue with the same political system that the state in this time have.The result shows that, through a Machiavellian perspective, Kim Jong Il and the North Korean regime have bad conditions to continue ruling the state in same way as now. The investigation, unfortunately, do not show when and how North Korea will be exposed to a government switch , but the result points to a change..

Several theoretical models of change exist concerning attachment, but an integrated view and knowledge of the role separate factors of change play for the individual is lacking. This phenomenon is hereby studied by semi-structured interviews of 20 persons. Change and factors of change are examined statistically with affectregulation as measure of attachment. The results show that these individuals´ changes are small and mostly towards secure attachment. Metacognition is related to greater change towards secure attachment.

An employee that informs on illegal or unethical behavior in the workplace is what has been called a whistleblower. Employees that have become whistleblowers have often faced tragic consequences, like threats from the organization, unemployment, bankruptcy and divorce. The purpose of this paper is, on the basis of different ethical perspectives to describe the justification of the whistleblowing phenomenon and apply this to the Swedish whistleblower Ingvar Bratt who ?blew the whistle? when he found out that Bofors AB, the company he worked for, were smuggling arms to the countries Dubai and Bahrein. The method that has been used in this paper is what Björn Badersten call a normative ?givet att?- analysis.

In the Swedish general election of 2006, the citizens were faced with the fact that there were two parties that called themselves a ?workers´ party?. It was not just the Social-Democratic Party, which we usually identify as a traditional workers´ party, it was also the Moderate Coalition Party, which we usually identify as a traditional conservative party, which during this suffrage also called them self the ?new moderates?. The central and the main election pledge for the new moderates took its standpoint in the idea that everybody should have a job.

Conflict prevention is a term which has gained much influence during the last decades. To prevent conflicts from occuring have both humanitarian and economic incentives as the cost for war are much greater than the cost of acting preventive. To act in this matter has been regarded a priority for the United Nations during several years, and the European Union have also expressed a wish of playing a more active part. The essay compares the actions taken by the international organisations in Macedonia, a country which headed toward a violent conflict. The UN acted through the mission UNPREDEP and the EU through the mission of Concordia.

Our understanding is that responsibility is shifting from the community towards the individual within the field of social work. This resulted in our essay, which aims to study how the representatives within social service assistance and churches in Helsingborg work with personal power. Our aim is also to illustrate how these representatives view the boundaries of responsibility between the individual and the community. Our questions are: How do the representatives work with personal power from a micro and macro perspective? How do the representatives look upon their position as representatives? What do the representatives consider as responsibility of the individual respective the community? And; Are there preventing factors from individual responsibility? We obtained our empirical material from a qualitative method consisting of interviews.

This essay examines two communist parties in Sweden; The Communist Party (Kommunistiska partiet [KP]) and Sweden's Communist party (Sveriges kommunistiska parti [SKP]). Furthermore, this essay is a comparative study where the two parties' political agendas are compared. The method with which the study was conducted is a quantitative content analysis, where the frequencies of usage pertaining to certain words and expressions have been measured. The Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx has also been compared to these two parties' political agendas concerning words and expressions. This was done in order to determine which of the examined parties stands closer to the aforementioned original document from an ideological perspective.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka faktorer och orsaker som kunde ha spelat en betydande roll i Taiwans demokratisering efter andra världskriget. De demokratiseringsteorier som vi fördjupar oss i är välkända men är skrivet utifrån ett Taiwanesiskt perspektiv. Var det den snabba moderniseringen som påskyndande Taiwans demokratisering? Eller var det enskilda individer med makt som kunde påverka Taiwans utveckling åt det positiva hållet. Inte direkt av välvilja utan istället på grund av att dessa individer ville överleva och var därmed tvungna att införa reformer.

This Master Thesis investigates changes in Thailand's foreign policy towards its neighbouring country Burma. It argues that Thai foreign policy towards Burma has experienced major changes during four periods between 1945 and the present. The thesis investigates these foreign policy changes during the four periods. What changes occurred? What were the reasons for the changes? What reasons dominated during what periods? The four periods of Thai foreign policy changes towards Burma and the common history of the two countries since their respective foundations does not suggest a stable peaceful relationship or a bitter hostile relationship leading to war.

In this thesis I discuss and analyze different factors, and different circumstances, that influence identity negotiation among the north american indians. I do this mainly by using two models.The first one is Druckmans three dimensions of identity; negotiating identity, durability of identity and spread of identity. Depending on how the identity fits in these dimensions one can se if, or how, they influence the negotiability.My second model for analyzing is Reeds ?fasteing and unfastening identity?, using this model I have tried to understand during what circumstances the identity is negotiable. The identity is more or less negotiable depending on where the indians live, who they are living with and also on their inheritance.My results shows that the indian identity is changing and developing over time but the main characteristics still remains the same.

The state of Israel is known as the only democracy in the Middle East. The purpose of this study was to examine if there is aspects in the Israelis society that can be questioned in terms of liberal democracy.Areas of concerns in the study are the Israeli official policy's concerning inclusion and exclusion of their citizens in areas of property owning, personal status and the duty of military service.The results show that the Israeli society distinguishes their citizens in these areas by their ethnic origin, in favour for the Jewish population. The law prohibits changes in the states Jewish character. One clear example how this is presented is that a Jew is prohibited to marry a non-Jew. The results show also that this official policy by the Israeli state violates important principles of liberal democracy.

This thesis aims to respond to the need of adjust GMO politics for meeting the demands of the late-modern society and the changed condition that follows from an accelerating complexity. The central objective for this study is to contribute with a narrative understanding of Sweden?s GMO politics with the purpose of examine an alternative possibility for formulating and assessing the politics of biotechnology. This is done by investigate Sweden?s politics of GMO through a narrative approach.

One hundred years ago, boys and girls in Sweden went to school in two parallel educational systems. The girl schools were privately owned and had two educational goals; education for the household and education for work outside the home. The girl schools were free to give the education they thought was right, but around the turn of the century women?s education became an issue of growing political interest.The purpose of my study is to shine light on the idea-political impact on the teaching in the turn of the century independent girl schools. I ask two questions; What types of subjects did girl school pupils write essays about, and how do they change over time? Seen from a genus perspective, what is the relation between the essay subjects and the idea-political trends at a higher societal level?I conduct a quantitative study of Swedish essay subjects at a girl school in Växjö between the years 1884-1929.

The aim of this Bachelor´s thesis is to contribute to theunderstanding of the headmaster´s view of his role when it comes to developing the school library and in particular the work of integrating the library into the teaching. The basis is three questions: What views do the headmasters express regarding the libraries´ main functions? What views do the headmasters express regarding their own importance for the school libraries´ pedagogical role? How do the headmasters regard the interaction between teachers and librarians, as to how the interaction works? To get answers to these questions we conducted semi-structured interviews with headmasters of secondary schools. As a theoretical starting point, we used our own taxonomy for headmasters. The basis of our taxonomy are from the points by the ?Svenska biblioteksföreningen? and ?Kungliga biblioteket?, which together form a description of a school library integrated in the school curricula.

The prospect of Turkish accession to the EU has sparked controversy in many of the member countries. It has highlighted the different ways in which European as well as Turkish identity is being defined in the debate, with some politicians seemingly trying to draw on old prejudices in order to make the case against membership. By utilising discourse analysis as advocated by Thomas Diez, this thesis seeks to explore the debates regarding the Turkish accession bid in the British House of Commons. Its purpose is to analyse how ?EU? and ?Turkey?, understood as contested concepts, gets described in different ways.