In 2014-2015 a large-scale Ebola epidemic occurred in West Africa. The Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency was given the order to conduct the Swedish response. The purpose of this case study was to investigate the impact on project planning of the three factors: the nature of the crisis, political initiative and developing countries. In this case study the crisis was an epidemic, and the project was initiated by the Swedish Government and conducted in two developing countries. The results were intended to contribute to developed understanding and recommendations for future project managers in similar projects.

This thesis is based on the conception that class is relevant. The thesis discussesclass relevance and consciousness of class amongst personal at the department ofsocial welfare in Lund.I have studied different theories of class from Karl Marx, Max Weber and PierreBourdieu. The study´s empirical survey is based on interviews with the personalat the department of social welfare in Lund. Then I have applied their view onclass on models based on the theories mentioned above.Out of my analysis I can draw the conclusion that the consciousness of class ishigh and that the applied models matches the interviewed personal. An importantaspect is that class perspective is bound to class.

Uppsatsen behandlar vilken inverkan på statssuveränitet som förhållandet mellan statliga, respektive icke-statliga aktörer har. Två statscentrerade perspektiv på internationell politik, realismen och liberalismen, utgör de definitionsmässiga begränsningarna av statssuveränitet. Aktörerna belyses i en fallstudie där trafficking i Thailand utgör det empiriska exemplet. Den teoretiska ansatsen utgörs av två konkurrerande perspektiv, ett aktörsbaserat och ett strukturellt betingat, som sammanförs till en syntes. Den teoretiska utgångspunkten förstärks av bumerangmönstret, en modell som illustrerar hur NGOs verkar i en internationell kontext.

Västsahara och Östtimor är två konflikter som ofta jämförs. Både har fått stöd från omvärlden och ockupationerna har blivit fördömda av FN. Bara Östtimor har fått en folkomröstning om självständighet genomförd, detta trots att många börjat acceptera Indonesiens makt över området. Vi undersöker på vilka punkter konflikterna skiljer sig åt för att därigenom få kunskap om varför utfallet blivit olika. Vi kommer fram till att det är religionen, naturtillgångarna och den väpnade kampen.

Ireland had, by the year of 1998, been an island of war and conflict to some extent for almost 1000 years. The northeast part of the island, called Northern Ireland, had been under British domination for over 25 years when ?the Troubles? ended by the year of 1998. This essay aims towards explaining how the first generation after ?the Troubles? has been shaped in terms of political and religious beliefs and attitudes in the society of Belfast.

As of 2013, around 51 million people were living on the run, classified as refugees. One of the reasons the number has increased so much during the last years can be explained by the war in Syria. The aim of following study is to evaluate the impact the Syrian refugee flow has had on the Turkish society up until today, seeing the consequences of economic, political and social impact made on the Turkish society. Due to these chosen aspects the study will be concentrated only on the changes in the Turkish society brought about accordance with economic, political and social effects. What is desirable is to achieve greater understanding of the positive and negative aspects of refugee flows on host countries.

As EU?s authority increased the number of lobbies in Brussels grew. Today there are approximately 15 000 lobbyists in Brussels. EU decisions and EU directives can have a huge impact on companies and organizations. They can however influence these decisions and directives through lobbying.

This essay discusses immigrants? prospects of constructing an identity in a multicultural society like Sweden. The discussion is primarily theoretical but offers a few empirical examples to demonstrate its relevance. Furthermore, the ontological standpoint of this essay draws on an understanding of the world and our knowledge as constructed which implies that identities are also constructed. The process of identity making is further understood as a relational process in which others recognition is central to the individuals own understanding of his or hers identity.

I denna analys undersöker vi Sverigedemokraternas valframgång i kommunvalet i Landskrona 2006. Vi använder oss av tre olika sorters material: artiklar och insändare från Landskronaposten, valmaterial från de efter valet fyra största partierna, samt kvalitativa intervjuer med folkvalda och civilsamhällegrupper. Studien är hypotesprövande, där vi utifrån tre teser undersöker vårt material. Vi studerar dessa antagandens bärkraftighet och eventuella samband.Vi finner att många av rösterna på Sverigedemokraterna var proteströster mot det tidigare politiska styret. Vi finner även att stadens oklara roll samt Sverigedemokraternas hållning till de övriga partierna och vice versa har påverkat valresultatet.

At the moment, democracy enhancing projects can be seen everywhere on the municipal level. The purpose of this thesis is to explain how the city of Lund takes on this challenge, why they have chosen to carry out citizen councils and if these are a good way to intensify democracy and open communication channels between citizens, the administration and the elected officials.The theoretical framework consists of seven arguments for gaining citizen influence on policy, and as a counterweight three critical arguments that opponents of participatory democracy often use are added.After a survey over both the Swedish national trends in municipal renewal and the last years work in Lund, the analysis goes on showing that most of the arguments point to the disadvantage of the citizen councils. Even though legitimacy possibly is enhanced by the project, there are probably better ways to open up for more communication and intensify democracy in the local community..

År 1999 erkändes romerna i Sverige som en av landets fem nationella minoriteter. Sveriges minoritetspolitik syftar till att ge stöd och skydd till minoriteternas språk, kultur och traditioner, vilket ska ske genom olika instanser i samhället. Den här uppsatsen fokuserar på om Sveriges minoritetspolitik gällande romer är ett fall av handling eller hyckleri. För att undersöka frågeställningen har vi fokuserat på relationen mellan romer och utbildning inom områdena resurser, frekvens och information.Med hjälp av huvudsakligen intervjuer av informantkaraktär har vi analyserat vilket av begreppen handling eller hyckleri som minoritetspolitiken är ett fall av. Vårt resultat är att minoritetspolitiken kan betecknas som ett fall av hyckleri, då romerna inte behandlas som en nationell minoritet på utbildningsområdet..

The thesis of this essay is that the concept of governance is a product of the neo-liberal dominant ideology and that the implementation of governance ideas will lead to a weaker nation-state. Using critical theory the essay constructs an ideal type of neo-liberalism and compares its core values with these of the governance concept as treated by the main literature in the area. The essay then focuses on the issue of the state, and discusses whether the changes leading to a demand for governance have actually weakened the state. Furthermore, the essay presents the practical use of the term governance in the EU and Sweden and problemizes the changes that the neo-liberal domination has led to in terms of power and democracy. Finally the essay discusses alternative views on the changing role of the state.

A violent conflict emerged in the Indonesian province of Aceh in 1976, with the rebels of the Free Aceh Movement, GAM, on one side, and the Indonesian government on the other. GAM demanded Aceh to become independent, but the Indonesian government did not accept their nationalistic claims. The conflict therefore lasted for almost thirty years, and many civilians were killed during this period. This essay deals with this particular conflict; its causes and its solution. In the centre of the analysis we find theidentity of the Acehnese people, and the way in which this identity has beenconstructed and re-constructed throughout the history.

This essay concerns the notion of how immigration politics, defined as a political discursive structure that explains and justifies how and why the movement of people into a state's territory is restricted and controlled, has come to present its purpose not as solidarity with the 'immigrants' wanting to enter the state but as a protective measure for the state's citizens. By using discourse theory combined with theories from the International Relations field I attempt to explain why and how such a discourse positions 'immigrants' as a threat to the state.First, I concentrate on why an immigration politics discourse would position 'immigrants' as a threat. I argue that in order for people to construct their identity, the 'outside' what they "are not" has to be repressed. In the same way, the state has to dislocate the "outside" and create threats to uphold its supremacy. These boundaries are set to create a feeling of predictability and security, and ultimately they are a way of making peoples' "world" coherent.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka Venezuelas möjligheter att bygga en deltagande demokrati genom att jämföra situationen och processen i Venezuela med statsvetenskapliga teorier om deltagande demokrati.Den venezolanska regeringens mål är ett fullständigt avskaffande av valdemokratin och ett införande av en allomfattande deltagande demokrati. För att uppnå detta byggs en deltagardemokratisk struktur upp vid sidan av den traditionella.Det som talar för en utveckling av den deltagande demokratin är de medborgarförsamlingar som byggts upp, och förändringar i landets ekonomiska system. Det främsta hindret är maktdelningen mellan nya och gamla strukturer. Många av de traditionella problemen med deltagande demokrati har övervunnits, mycket eftersom övergången till deltagardemokrati är planerad att vara mer djupgående och fullständig än vad de flesta statsvetenskapliga teorier utgår ifrån.Slutsatsen är att det finns goda möjligheter att utveckla en deltagande demokrati i Venezuela, men att utvecklingen på många sätt är osäker..