In January 2007 the Öresund committy changed its statutes to become a more politically oriented lobby organization. This change can be interpreted as one part of a continuously evolving process where the Öresund region is emancipating itself from the national states in a multi-level European environment. By focusing on this latest development the thesis puts forward the importance of political institutions, as well as politicians and civil servants as actors in them, as crucial factors in the process where the region is gaining political power. The thesis shows how the political cross-border cooperation in the Öresund region is being institutionalized which affects its power relations to other levels in the multi-level system, predominantly the national states. In other words, there is a connection between power and institutionalization.The Öresund committee has by gaining better access to policymaking agendas on the national levels proven that the organizational change has already started to bear fruit.

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the democratization process in Kurdistan on the basis of consolidation democracy with focus on arenas defined by Linz and Stepan (1997), namely economic, political, legal, civil society and arenas of state bureaucracy. Furthermore, I intend to explain Kurdistan?s road toward democratization in Kurdistan from 1991 until today, with a focus on the years 2003-2012. The main results are that Kurdistan has developed conditions that support a future consolidation of democracy. However, there are weaknesses in the economic situation, rule of law and the arena of bureaucracy.

The focus of this study is the ways in which the discourses of the three largest right-wing populist parties in Scandinavia ? Danish Dansk Folkeparti, Norwegian Fremskrittspartiet and Swedish Sverigedemokraterna ? are articulated and on defining which individuals they include and exclude. The discourses of the three parties are compared and analyzed to determine whether they constitute specific nationalist and culturally racist discourses. The problem is addressed by applying a social constructivist theory of nationalism and cultural racism, and specifically the binary opposition ?we? and ?them?, on a material consisting of the respective parties? member magazines from 2007.

The free movement of the Roma minority has become questioned within the European Union. This study seeks to understand why this question has reached disproportionally importance in comparison to the number of Roma migrants within the union, and to understand the great attention given to the question. Based on the Copenhagen?s school of securitization, the purpose of this study is to show how this magnification of the question occurs due to the framing of the Roma migrants as a security problem. Focusing on the speech act of the securitization theory, this paper contains a study of political actor?s statements concerning Roma migrants.

Drawing on theories of ethnic representations in mainstream news media and racial discrimination (van Dijk 2000, Hultén 2006, Husband & Downing 2005, Wodak 2011), and using methods of critical discourse analysis (mainly van Dijk 1993, 1991, Fairclough 1995) this bachelor thesis aims to investigate the inter-textual and inter-discursive relationship between selected editorial and opinion pieces written by three mainstream right wing ?symbolic elites? and the xenophobic blog ?Avpixlat?. The three selected symbolic elites are: Per Gudmundsson, editorial writer at the second largest Swedish newspaper SvD, Andreas Johansson Heinö, academic with a P.H.D. in political science, specialized on issues of integration and ethnic relations, and Paulina Neuding, editorial writer at SvD and editor in chief for right-wing oriented magazine Neo. All three are actively taking part in the mediated discussion of ethnic relations in Sweden from a liberal-conservative perspective.

Bolivia is a multiethnic country where the indigenous people constitute the majority of the population. Despite two decades of attempts to take the democracy further is its foundation more volatile than ever. The aim of this bachelor thesis is to examine if exclusion is taken place in Bolivia from year 1982 until today and if so in which way political exclusion constitute problems of democracy in Bolivia. The answer depends on the understanding of democracy used in the analysis. In this thesis I use theories of process-, participation- and deliberative democracy.

The survey aims to problematize masculinity in the exhibitions of the museum.  In what way is masculinity interpreted and valued in exhibitions? What is the attitude towards masculinity in gender oriented museological texts? This study investigates in which way masculinity is written about ? how interpretations of masculinity emerge in the texts and what consequences this may have.The survey is based on the method of discourse analysis and the material is processed from a gender perspective. The source material consists of museological texts dealing with the topic of gender and museology, which also is the core material. A complement to this is a selection of exhibition catalogs from museums as well as reviews which are also based on art exhibitions. The main point of the source material consists of the museological texts.The survey highlights that the gender-conscious museological discourse understands, interpret and evaluate masculinity on a more or less given regulatory framework.

Problem statement and purpose:The purpose of this study was to analyze in what way first-time voters chose to take part of political information. The questions we aimed to answer was how first-time voters use media and other information channels for political purposes, what importance and trust the first-time voters give the different information channels and finally which indicators there is for that structural or individual factors affect the media consumption and political interest.Method and material:We did interviews with twelve 18 years old first-time voters from six different high school programs in Sundsvall, Sweden.Results:The study showed that the premier source of political information were traditional news media, in particular the debates on TV. It?s also in the debates the first-time voter?s trust the most. Even though the social medias are constantly present in their everyday life and even though the first-time voters believe the social medias have potential for engaging young people politically, the possibilities are only taken in advantage by people who are already politically interested.

This thesis examines the way that subversivity is produced in relation to the name of the author, as understood by Foucault, and what potential for ressistance that can be glimpsed there. This from the reading of three text that in different ways relate to that theme.Firstly, throught the reading of "Isis mamma a?r genusvetare, skribent och konstna?r, min mamma a?r f.d. sta?derska, kokerska och dagisfro?ken, numera fo?rtidspensiona?r med diagnosen fibromyalgi" by Lidija Praizovic?, a text that actively work with the internal production of different exteriorities.

Title: Facebook ? a false utopia?Authors: Anton Furuland & Dominic ChennayaPrincipal research question: Is the political polarization increasing on and through Facebook?Theoretical frame: Identification theory, selective exposure theory, spiral of silenceMethod/Material: Semi-structured interviews which provided our materialMain Results: Our research has shown a tendency for increased political polarization on Facebook.Number of pages: 58Course: Media and communication studies CDepartment: Department of informaticsUniversity: Uppsala UniversityPeriod: HT 2014Tutor: Amelie HössjerKeywords: Political polarization, Facebook, political debate, selective exposure, identification.

The aim of this study is to analyse the sexual power relations in contemporary urban novels of Swedish female writers.I have identified a discourse in these novels as a heteronormative matrix which power is ruled by norms and assumptions about normality in both the heterosexual and lesbian stories. For this purpose I have related to Ivar B. Neumanns theory that individuals always find a way to confront the discourse by three different strategies. These strategies are used in my study as tools to organise these novels, because it is possible to see that the protagonists find at least one of these strategy?s to her protest.The first strategy I studied was the docile.

AbstractOne aim of this thesis, has been to explore how discursive frames are constructed, frames to relate to, compare with, and therefore be part in shaping political subjects. The other aim has been connected with a more empirical platform, where I wanted to discover how these frames are established and structured discursively within a political organization, among its members; in this case with a foucs on the Swedish social democracy and its former leader Olof Palme. The thesis starts with a theoretical presentation and discussion, where focus is on the concepts of ideology, discourse theory in the form of Laclau and Mouffe, and narrative theory. The concepts will be presented and discussed, and also related to the other concepts to see their theoretical potential, both ontologically and epistemologically. Finally the theoretical rudiment is linked and analyzed with the empirical material.

Large corporations have come to play a central role in today?s society. By analyzing how corporations describe their work with Corporate Social Responsibility, CSR, my aim is to review how they view and relate to this role. CSR means that a corporation voluntarily takes a civic responsibility beyond that which is required by law. This can be in order to promote human rights, basic workers rights and a better environment, as well as fighting corruption.In order to get at the role played by CSR, I have studied texts dealing with the subject, which have been published on the internet by the five largest Swedish corporations.

Central labour market actors have come to an agreement ? Sweden is going to need labour migration. In spite of the agreement the actors disagree upon how the labour migration should be designed. This essay examines how the union organisation, LO presents labour migration in their rapports during the years 2000-2006. This is done through Laclau and Mouffes discourse theory and a merge with postcolonial theory.

The Swedish Moderate party, often also called the Conservative party, was founded with conservatism as the dominant ideology. During the years, however, liberalism has gradually found its way into the party. The aim of this study is to analyze the Moderate party?s political platforms from 1984 to 2013 from an ideological perspective. Is conservatism still a foundational ideology in the Moderate party, or has the liberal ideology taken its place? The study is based on an ideal type analysis that illustrates the Moderate party?s argumentation in six political issues in the years 1984, 1993 and 2013.