Uppsatsen beskiver den europeisering av den svenska säkerhetspolitiska diskursen som har skett sedan det svenska inträdet i den europeiska unionen. Genom att utgå från konstruktiv teori förklarar arbetet hur normer inom det europeiska utrikes- och säkerhetssamarbetet (CFSP) förs över till den svenska säkerhetspolitiska diskursen. I arbetet framhålls att den svenska säkerhetspolitiken, efter det kalla krigets slut och Sveriges medlemskap i EU, i allt större utsträckning börjat korrelera med den europeiska säkerhetspolitiska diskursen. Korrelation framträder framförallt när den svenska neutralitetspolitiken studeras, en politik som omvärderats sedan inträdet i EU. Uppsatsen belyser också hur både den svenska och den europeiska säkerhetspolitiska diskursen har förändrats över tid..

In the process of globalization, identity has become one of the central factors.An understanding of the difference that makes up our society has made thequestion of weather is it possible to envision a society where difference is thecommon ground, one that has been up for contest. To answer this we need to seeif this kind of democracy is possible at all. For this I?m turning to the socialmovments who while they are working close to the reality also can give us somereal answers. Therefore I have looked at how social movements adress identity,difference and conflict and concluded that three things are crucial in organizing ongrounds of difference.

A too large public sector impedes the economic development of Sweden and more privatization could increase the efficiency, quality and diversity of the services offered. It is therefore important that firms operating in traditionally public sectors are given the opportunity to grow. We have through a case study examined two mid-size firms that offer services to, and compete with, the public sector. This thesis aims to describe the growth strategies these firms are using and if competing with the public sector implies any differences in possibilities or barriers when it comes to the firms? growth.

Uppsats för avläggande av filosofie kandidatexamen iKulturvård, Bebyggelseantikvariskt program15 hpInstitutionen för kulturvårdGöteborgs universitet2013:26.

What every theory of democracy has in common is a reference to ?a people? who are, in one way or another, collectively self-governing. Given that, surprisingly little attention has been paid to the so called boundary problem of democratic theory, or, in other words, the question of who should be included in the democratic community. Lately, the historically given boundaries have been questioned in favour of a cosmopolitan democracy. Still, little has been said about the boundary problem in general, especially from a theoretical point of view.

The primary aim of this thesis is to examine female lawyers' relationships to information from different angles. The starting-point is that the legal information, retrieved from through different information sources, is not free from values and subjectivity. The commonly presumed objectivity of legal information is questioned, based on the fact that this kind of information has developed and changed historically in the context of, and in relation to, society. Another aim is to find out how the female lawyers experience their situation in a traditionally masculine working environment. Qualitative interviews have been carried out with seven female lawyers involving questions about their daily work about the sources that they are using.

Since 2003 Saudi Arabia is under attack from domestic Al Qaida-cells which, by random shootings of westerners and bombings of compounds and official state buildings, is trying to challenge the stability of the royal regime. According to Al Qaida, the Royal family is attacked because of their friendly relations to the US and for not implementing Islam in the Saudi society as profound as they ought to. Political analyst finds it obvious that the Islamic Al Qaida-cells by terrorism is trying to erode the stability in the kingdom.An important foundation for stability for any government is legitimacy. The aim of this thesis is to examine the royal legitimacy strategy in the state bureaucracy of Saudi Arabia. The question at issue is: how has the royal family constructed the civil, military and religious bureaucracies to maintain and promote stability and legitimacy?The thesis focuses on the on three different units within these three bureaucracies and it surveys the way they are staffed and organized to strengthen and maintain legitimacy for the royal family.

Uppsatsen granskar det avtal mellan Indien och USA som ingicks under 2006.Utifrån det rationella aktörsperspektivet har vi undersökt hur man kan förklara debeslut USA och Indien tog då de ingick avtal med varandra. Vi har använt oss avfyra grundbultar som utgångspunkt: målsättning, alternativ, valmöjligheter ochkonsekvenser. Med dessa fyra bultar har vi försökt förstå vilka för- och nackdelarIndien respektive USA haft när de ingick avtalet och hur de kan ha resonerat införundertecknandet av avtalet. Vi har också försökt se vilka konsekvenser avtalet kanha fått för icke-spridningsavtalet NPT och för andra länder i världen.Vi kom fram till att både Indien och USA agerat rationellt utifrån sinanationella intressen och att detta samarbete trots flera risker är betydande för bådaländerna och värt de uppoffringar som man gjort..

Utbildning har som regel inte fått hög prioritet av staten i Nicaragua. Det har bland annat medfört att analfabetism är utbrett samt att barn arbetar på gatan istället för att gå i skola. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka vad det civila samhället gör för att förbättra utbildningssituationen i Nicaragua. Det civila samhället i Nicaragua arbetar med en rad olika projekt där utbildning är ett av dem. Vi har med hjälp av teorier om demokratisering och det civila samhället kopplat samman vikten av utbildning för att ett land skall gå mot att bli en konsoliderad demokrati.

Den 1 januari 1994, samma dag som den Mexikanska staten blev medlem i frihandelsavtalet NAFTA, kunde man höra ett ?¡Ya Basta!? runt om i delstaten Chiapas i sydöstra Mexiko. Denna uppsats behandlar den Zapatistiska motståndsrörelsen utifrån gramsciansk och neogramsciansk teoribildning för att förklara deras kamp som en reaktion på den rådande neoliberalistiska ekonomiska globaliseringen. Genom att studera deras ideologi och handlingar så menar vi att de utgör en del av ett kontrahegemoniskt motstånd beläget inom den nya globala anti-globaliseringsrörelsen som i sin tur utgör en del av det globala civila samhället. Zapatisternas struktur och metod har, som ett resultat av den ekonomiska globaliseringen, omvandlats och anpassat sig för att kunna föra sin kamp och visa på att alternativ till neoliberalismen existerar..

The aim of my study is to critically analyse the discourse behind two different integration projects in Sweden, by using post colonial theory. My hypothesis is that many projects intended for increased integration includes a view of immigrants as the ?Others? which can be seen in how one talks about integration and culture in the discourse behind integration projects.The first of these two projects aims at increased diversity in the cultural sphere, organized on at state level. The purpose of the second project is to increase the communication and results for schools in areas with a high rate of immigrants in Malmö. In my study I make a discourse analysis of the discourse behind these two projects and study how they are motivated and how one conceptualise culture and integration in these documents.

This thesis analyzes how homonationalist and heteroactivist discourses are reproduced in the Sweden Democrats political communication between 2022 and 2025. Drawing on critical discourse analysis, the study examines a selection of key texts, including two Almedalen speeches by the party leader Jimmie ?kesson (2022, 2024), an extraction from a report produced by the party, and a parliamentary motion. The study is theoretically grounded in scholarship on homonationalism, heteroaktivism and populist radical right nationalism. It investigates how gender, sexuality and religion are discursively mobilized to define national belonging and construct boundaries between ?us? and ?the other?.

This thesis is about how nationalism is constructed from two competing groups, Kosovo Albanian and Serbs. Kosovo for Serbs is a deep symbolic value that continues to be a Serbian identification. This is one of the main reasons why no Serbian politician has the courage to give it up. On the other side of the coin we have the Kosovo Albanians that only settles for independence. To recognize the independence for Kosovo could jeopardize the security for the Serbian minority living in Kosovo.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att påvisa de likheter som finns mellan det kommunistiska KPML(r)/RKU och det nazistiska NSF i deras kritik mot den representativa demokratin. Uppsatsen bygger på en komparativ ideologianalys. materialet består av artiklar, rapporter och partiprogram som publicerats på Internet. I teoriavsnittet stödjer jag mig på Dahls och Lipsets problematiseringar av fenomenet demokrati- extremism och relationen mellan olika typer av extremism. Undersökningen visar att de nutida "vänster"- och "högerextremisterna" har mer gemensamt än vad som kan anas.

Ever since its conceptual birth, the questioning of consequences due to the implementation of ideas from the reformation doctrine, called New Public Management, has been a common occurance among those who have dedicated themselves to research in superior methods of Public Administration. What this thesis aims to do is shed light upon what value-conflicts may occur within public administration organisations when they begin to idealize the rationalization of economic issues. The goal of this thesis will be fulfilled through the creation of two ideal types of public administration that exist in opposition to each other. These two ideal types will show two different views on how decision-making and organisation will be managed in their respective sectors. By doing this, there will be clarification as to what conflicting values arise with the implementation of ideas taken from New Public Management, as well as defining the fundamental difference between which ethical decision model is used..