Denna uppsats är en fallstudie som har för avsikt att undersöka relationen mellan The Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission och Special Court for Sierra Leone. De båda organen upprättades för att bemöta krigsförbrytelser och brott mot mänskligheten som begicks under inbördeskriget 1991-2002. Syftet är att analysera huruvida sannings- och försoningskommissionen och specialdomstolen kan ses som ett komplement till varandra i skapandet av transitionell rättvisa eller om det finns något som tyder på att man måste göra ett val mellan dem.Uppsatsens teoretiska utgångspunkt är att en kombination av juridiska och icke-juridiska metoder är nödvändig för att man ska kunna tala om rättvisa i ett större sammanhang. De olika metoderna fyller båda sin funktion i strävan efter rättvisa i ett post-konflikt samhälle. Slutsatserna som kan dras av fallet Sierra Leone är att sannings- och försoningskommissionen och specialdomstolen utgjort ett komplement till varandra.

The Swedish system of environmental quality objectives is a so-called MBO, Management By Objective and has the purpose to guide the Swedish society towards sustainable ecological development. The system involves the whole society from the parliament and the government down to individual citizens. At the regional level, it is the county administrative boards that are responsible for the work with the system of environmental objectives. At the County Administrative Board of Västmanland County, it is the environmental unit who is in charge of work with the environmental objectives and they want input for how to improve their work with the environmental objectives, both internally at the Administrative Board and externally with external parties.The main purpose and goal of the study is to present the work of four other county administrative boards regarding their work with the environmental quality objectives and to identify external parties? opinions of how they want the County Board of Västmanland county to work with them in this matter.The work is designed as a case study of four county councils, where the environmental objectives coordinators at the four county administrative boards were interviewed about their work with environmental quality objectives.

Abstract1985 tog Michail Gorbatjov över makten i Sovjetunionen, och en ny omskakande period tog vid. Gorbatjovs reformer, glasnost (öppenhet) och perestrojka (omdaning), blev början till slutet för sovjetstaten genom de oerhörda följdverkningar de fick för landet: det kommunistiska Sovjetunionen, bestående av 15 delrepubliker, blev till ett land, Ryssland, med en demokratisk författning. Vi har valt att utgå från fyra olika teoretiska perspektiv för att kunna förklara reformernas bakgrund och Gorbatjovs roll i detta skeende: individ-, grupp-, stats- och systemnivå. Vi driver tesen att interna och externa faktorer inom Sovjetunionen har framkallat en situation varigenom Gorbatjov kunde ta makten och förändra samhället, något som aldrig tidigare skett i samma utsträckning. Gorbatjovs personlighet och inre värderingar anser vi hade stor betydelse för utvecklingen, men beslutsfattandet var en kollektiv process vilket krävde skicklig manipulation och sluga metoder.Sovjetunionens historia kantades av våld, lidande och diktatur, men under Gorbatjov kunde befolkningen börja att åtminstone hoppas på något bättre.Nyckelord: belief system, Michail Gorbatjov, förändring, Sovjetunionen, utrikespolitik.

Based on an analytical overview of post-Communist civil society development in Russia, the present thesis attempts a critical discussion of general civil society theory from the perspective of its relevance for the case study in question. The text consists of three closely interconnected, mutually reinforcing parts. In the first part, major issues of current civil society research are being thematically presented and discussed. The second part concerns itself with the case study as such. It is divided into two parts, one dealing with the relations between state and civil society in Russia, the other with civil society and the individual.

This thesis focuses on the perception of immigration and refugees in the commonEuropean refugee and immigration policy. It identifies different discourses andstudies their development and interrelated power structures.Using the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe, documents from theEuropean Council, the Commission, the Justice and Home Affairs Council andParliament debates are analysed. The study is defined in the time span of 1999-2006, i.e. from the European Council's first agreement on developing a commonEuropean asylum system, following the period up till today.Four discourses are distinguished, focusing respectively on rights, security,European Union's needs, and cultural identity. I use Sandra Lavenex theory ofrealism and idealism to analyse one of the main points in the thesis: There is afundamental schism between the one rights-based discourse, focusing on universalhuman rights, and the three sharing a particularistic focus on immigration as asecurity concern.

At this point seamen have a lot of tasks of administrative character, beyond the traditional tasks aboard a ship. Due to the new conventions that are formed by IMO, more requirements are added which often lead to time consuming administrative tasks and documentation that should be spent on activities which are contributing to the ships safety. The issue has been observed by IMO that has through BIMCO done a study with the aim to identify and reduce administrative burdens at sea.The primary aim of this study is to find out if safety officers aboard Swedish ferries consider that SOLAS Chapter III, 8.3 och 19.5 regulations are administrative burdens, restricted to muster lists and documentation of training aboard the ship.The secondary questions to the study are if it is possible to remove, combine or change the documents and how much time can be saved by doing this. The question about timesaving could not be answered, because the values were scattered and could not be used for further investigation. The observed values were accumulated by a survey and the result indicated that safety officers did not experience the two regulations as administrative burdens.

At this point seamen have a lot of tasks of administrative character, beyond the traditional tasks aboard a ship. Due to the new conventions that are formed by IMO, more requirements are added which often lead to time consuming administrative tasks and documentation that should be spent on activities which are contributing to the ships safety. The issue has been observed by IMO that has through BIMCO done a study with the aim to identify and reduce administrative burdens at sea.The primary aim of this study is to find out if safety officers aboard Swedish ferries consider that SOLAS Chapter III, 8.3 och 19.5 regulations are administrative burdens, restricted to muster lists and documentation of training aboard the ship.The secondary questions to the study are if it is possible to remove, combine or change the documents and how much time can be saved by doing this. The question about timesaving could not be answered, because the values were scattered and could not be used for further investigation. The observed values were accumulated by a survey and the result indicated that safety officers did not experience the two regulations as administrative burdens.

At this point seamen have a lot of tasks of administrative character, beyond the traditional tasks aboard a ship. Due to the new conventions that are formed by IMO, more requirements are added which often lead to time consuming administrative tasks and documentation that should be spent on activities which are contributing to the ships safety. The issue has been observed by IMO that has through BIMCO done a study with the aim to identify and reduce administrative burdens at sea.The primary aim of this study is to find out if safety officers aboard Swedish ferries consider that SOLAS Chapter III, 8.3 och 19.5 regulations are administrative burdens, restricted to muster lists and documentation of training aboard the ship.The secondary questions to the study are if it is possible to remove, combine or change the documents and how much time can be saved by doing this. The question about timesaving could not be answered, because the values were scattered and could not be used for further investigation. The observed values were accumulated by a survey and the result indicated that safety officers did not experience the two regulations as administrative burdens.

At this point seamen have a lot of tasks of administrative character, beyond the traditional tasks aboard a ship. Due to the new conventions that are formed by IMO, more requirements are added which often lead to time consuming administrative tasks and documentation that should be spent on activities which are contributing to the ships safety. The issue has been observed by IMO that has through BIMCO done a study with the aim to identify and reduce administrative burdens at sea.The primary aim of this study is to find out if safety officers aboard Swedish ferries consider that SOLAS Chapter III, 8.3 och 19.5 regulations are administrative burdens, restricted to muster lists and documentation of training aboard the ship.The secondary questions to the study are if it is possible to remove, combine or change the documents and how much time can be saved by doing this. The question about timesaving could not be answered, because the values were scattered and could not be used for further investigation. The observed values were accumulated by a survey and the result indicated that safety officers did not experience the two regulations as administrative burdens.

AbstractIn this essay, policy change and learning is studied in the case of the Social Democratic Party and their policy concerning independent schools. Their policy differs clearly from the right-wing parties. Between 1991 and 1994, the right-wing government made substantial reforms concerning independent schools. The question posed in this essay is whether the policy of the Social Democratic Party has changed as a result of these actions, and if they have approached their right-wing counterparts.Using the Advocacy Coalition Framework, defining a policy as a result of the values the actor holds, the question is studied by applying the theory's assumptions of policy-learning across coalitions. The argumentation of the Social Democratic Party, as it is expressed in official text documents before and after the right-wing government, is analysed.

Denna uppsats söker förstå beslutsprocessen som resulterade i att Lunds och Frederiksbergs kommun fattade beslutet om att samarbeta. Beslutsprocessen resulterade i ett informellt samarbete, och söks förstås med hjälp av Cohen, March och Olsens Garbage Can-modell, och Kingdons window of opportuntity (möjlighetsfönster). Garbage Can-modellen består av fyra flöden, som innehåller beslutstillfällen, problem, lösningar och deltagare. Dessa flöden kan kopplas samman då möjlighetsfönster uppstår, vilket sker vid opinions- eller känsloförändringar bland befolkning och politiker.Vi har kommit fram till att beslutsprocessen bör förstås som att lösningen informellt samarbete mellan Lund och Frederiksberg, kopplades till problem relaterade till att vilja vara en del av Öresundsregionen, och beslutstillfällen såsom Öresundskommittén. Deltagare drev lösningarna och identifierade problemen.

[saknas].

Den offentliga sektorn i Sverige har under de senaste decennierna påverkats av stora reformvågor. De bakomliggande idéströmningarna har kommit att gå under samlingsnamnet New Public Management där ekonomiska värden starkt betonas. Man menar att det inte bör göras någon skillnad mellan privata företag och offentliga organisationer i valet av organisationsstruktur och förspråkar att den offentliga sektorn närmar sig den privata sektorns organisationsstrukturer. Samtidigt har röster höjts kring att den offentligt-rättsliga public service-televisionen, SVT, kommit under starkt inflytande av dessa ekonomiska värden på bekostnad av de demokratiska och att detta är problematiskt.Studien tar utgångspunkt i dessa fenomen och undersöker med hjälp av diskursteoretiska utgångspunkter huruvida SVTs ledning agerar med utgångspunkt i en New Public Management-diskurs.Våra resultat visar att kritiken är befogad i det avseendet att det finns en tydlig NPM-prägel på den diskurs som ledningen brukar. Även när hänsyn tas till omkringliggande relevanta förändringar ter sig de förändringar som ägt rum inom SVT som utmärkande då man istället för att fokusera på sitt ursprungliga uppdrag och söka problematisera sitt förhållande till demokratin har kommit att prioritera dessa ekonomiska värden..

The essay's aim is to explain how responsibility distribution between private and public bodies, primarily within three important service areas, can be visualised in light of the fact that they have experienced different forms of readjustment. We have chosen to study this by looking at the restoration work taking place after the hurricane Gudrun swept across southern Sweden on January 8-9, 2005; and we have chosen to concentrate on the service areas of electricity- and telephone supply, and public transport. The responsibility distribution has been depicted by carrying out qualitative interviews with employees within both private and public bodies included in the restoration work. The conclusion produced is that there were obscurities in the formal responsibility distribution between private and public actors taking place in conjunction with the hurricane restoration work.In a deeper analysis, the result can be explained by a ?several hands? problem arising since the number of actors has increased as the public sphere has adopted leadership forms influenced by the private business sector.

The EU has for a long time had a special relationship with its former colonies in Africa Caribbean and the Pacific, called the ACP?countries. This relationship is about to change radically with the new partnership agreement signed in June 2000 in Cotonou. This essay aims to study the EU ?ACP Partnership Agreement from the perspectives of two different theories: The liberalist, free-trade policy theory and the nationalist/regionalist, protectionist theory.