The previous research in the field of new religious movements has mostly focused on the spectacular parts where phenomena such as ?brainwashing? and the ?charismatic leader? have attracted both media and the scientific studies of religion. Professor Liselotte Frisks has done several enquiries about sects and new religious movements in Sweden. One of her main conclusions is that the relation between these new religious movements and the rest of society has changed; a relation that used to be characterized by conflicts and tension is now becoming more open as both parts are changing.This study does not focus on the spectacular parts. Instead I have studied something more common and general.

The collective agreement contains many important provisions concerning the relationship between employers and employees. When a collective agreement applies in the workplace, both employers and employees are bound by it. However, only employers of those two, can take part in the collective agreement, and therefore negotiate the content of it.The purpose of this study is to answer the following question: Why are rules that has been interpreted in collective agreements not expressed in writing? Therefore, the Swedish collective agreement system will be examined, and a distinction between types of silent regulations will be made to find causes. The potential for workers to act on a collective agreement with quiet regulations will also be examined.Collective agreements are signed on three levels: central, union and local levels.

In our world, more than two billion people are living under insecure food conditions and more than eight hundred million people are estimated to be starving. The majority of these people live in developing counties which are poor and often subject of civil war. The past fifty years the main subject of security analysis has been the sovereign and rational state and the threats have been viewed in terms of military and weapons of mass destruction. This has come to change over the last decades and security as a concept has broadened, which better represents the reality of today. Within this broader conceptualization of security the main referent of security is the individual, rather than the state, and threats are not only analyzed from a military point of view, but also seen as threats against human rights and freedoms.

The purpose of this study was to examine the incentives behind Sweden?s decision to engagein the Afghanistan conflict.The method used to fulfil the purpose of the study is content analysis. The material that hasbeen used in the study is various books and articles concerning Sweden in Afghanistan,Swedish foreign policy and perspectives in political science.The study is multi-theoretical and thus the analysis explains the incentives from a liberal, arealist and a constructivist point of view.The conclusion of the study is that identity has a great part in explaining the incentives forSweden to engage in Afghanistan, especially because of the transformation in strategy andforeign policy that has taken place since the end of the cold war. Other factors, such as peacebuilding and national interests also are incentives supported by the material used in the study.Yet, perhaps they are first and foremost connected by the constructivist idea of identity..

The economical and judicial cooperation that EU constitutes results in that there is an increasing amount of international disputes arising. These international disputes in turn result in questions concerning private international law. The principle of mutual trust is not only an important principle in the entire judicial cooperation but especially important in the area of private international law. The principle means that the member states have to trust each other and the different legal systems. The aim of the principle is to ensure a well functioning internal market that is permeated by free circulation and freedom of establishment.

This paper has bearing on the subject of foreign policy analysis and decision-making,but is nonetheless important to peace and conflict studies due to its emphasis onnuclear weapons and deterrence.I have constructed a theoretical framework for the analysis of foreign policydecision-making that I set out to test on a crucial case. The framework iscrosscutting, and takes into consideration four levels of analysis: the system-,regional-, state-, and individual level. It is centred on a key decision maker, andapplies a cognitive approach for determining his or hers belief system through whichthe inputs from the other levels are filtered in order for the decision maker toconstruct a perception of reality, from which the decision is then formulated within.The framework is applied to North Korean and its leader Kim Jong Il. It sets outto explain his behaviour in the matter of their claimed nuclear weapons program, andhis decision to conduct a nuclear weapons-test, getting inside his head trying to figureout why he chose to do it and for what reasons.The conclusion indicates that the basic structure of the framework and its generalapplicability is sound, but that it needs further testing in order to make it perfectly solid..

AbstractThe thesis investigates how the European Union promotes stability and security in the Mediterranean region. The aim is to analyse the European Union?s security ambitions with Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the Barcelona Process. An analytical framework with five sectors (military, political, economic, environmental and societal), based on the Copenhagen School?s theories about security sectors and securitization, is used for the analysis.

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The increasing public concern regarding the government?s priorities in spending public resources puts pressure on public organisations to address quality issues in their practice. In United Kingdom both BRTF (Better Regulation Task Force) (BIS, 2005b) and the Hampton report (BIS, 2005a) highlighted management and quality problems in public organisations in UK. These reports revealed obstacles within institutions? intent to offer recommendations and appropriate solutions for agencies working with legal enforcement and control.

This thesis aim to shed a light on how to communicate the individual and subjective feeling of safety in the arena of public events such as music- and cultural festivals with the safety-project on Peace & Love festival in Borlänge, Sweden as a practical example. Earlier research has mainly been focusing on the objective side of safety on these kind of events. Peace & Love decided to put a larger focus on the safety for the festival in 2012, and Trygghetsprojektet was started. By looking at how the project is formed this study wants to show how organisations can communicate a feeling of being safe to the audience to enable them to fully enjoy an event.The main questions asked in this study is: How can a feeling of being safe be communicated to a large number of people by focused acts of communication at a festival? How does the head of safety and the safety coordinator work with communicating a feeling of being safe to the audience? How does these communication acts relate to earlier research on mass communication? The results shows that communication within the organisation and with its partners is of great importance for the outcomes of the project and that communication of the feeling of being safe is much greater then the hands-on communication of words.

The ambition of this study is to examine the discussion surrounding the Swedish participation in the European security- and defence policy. By forming feasible areas of arguments the goal is to gain further comprehension in the case of Sweden. These arguments are formed in close relation to the empirical sources; With less public funding there are economic aspects of cooperation, this could also be related to Swedish the industry of defence systems; A high level of participation in the UN is a tradition in Swedish foreign policy, the European battle groups are the perfect tool to further strengthen the UN ability in conflict management and peace keeping missions; Outside the EMU Sweden could face the political margin, to retain influence a high level of activity ought to occur in the integration process; Finally, the future position of United States and NATO is not clear, Europe needs an capacity apart the US to contribute to lasting peace and stability. The arguments are close related to each other, but the main argument is to through ESDP create a tool that will strengthen UN, there is also a wide range of economic arguments related to the industry..

AbstractUniversity of Växjö, School of Social SciencesCourse: POC 536, Political Science 41-60Title: The U.S. military intervention in Iraq ? A study of how the intervention corresponds with the UN CharterAuthors: Andreas Malmgren & Johan SchneiderSupervisor: Lennart BergfeldtDate: 2006-09-26The aim of this essay is through a qualitative literature study examine the main arguments of the Bush administration to justify a military intervention in Iraq. The theories used to explain the actions of the U.S. are system level analysis, hegemonism and realism while the UN Charter will be applied as a normative theory.

Not enough attention has been paid to the correlation between the failure of peacekeeping operations and the actual source of civil wars. This text is an attempt to fill that gap. Hence the question: under which conditions is it possible for peacekeeping operations to replace the responsibility of the state concerning the security aspects of the social contract? The outset of the text, using the theories of Robert Nozick, is a theoretical approach towards the founding of states, described as the merging of entities. The theory serves a purpose since it, in combination with identity, illustrates in what manner the glue of society occurs and the rallying around other kind of loyalties like clans and ethnicities.

The UN was established after the Second World War. The organization?s primary goal was to maintain peace among all nations. When the UN intervenes in other states affairs, it is violat-ing the principles it is set to defend, principles of non-intervention and respect for sover-eignty. The outcome from such interventions is very important, a result that can legitimize the action.

My paper, ?Us and Them ? an analysis of the creation of ?the Other? in The Reluctant Fundamentalist and The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas?, aims to examine Mohsin Hamid´s and John Boyne´s novels from the years 2007 and 2008. The paper tries to answer the following questions: How is ?the Other?and?Us and Them?created in the novels? And: What consequences does the thinking in terms of ?the Other?and?Us and Them?lead to in the novels? The examination is done through the method of close reading and by applying the theory of Orientalism and Edward W. Said?s analysis of the theory to the reading.It is, I believe, of utmost importance for teachers to create unity among their pupils, and peaceful and democratic classrooms where co-work is promoted.