?The myth of Palme- a textual analysis of the documentary Palme and its description of the social memory of Olof Palme as a norm or anomaly? by Emma Svanström aims to analyze how the directors of the documentary Palme choose to present Olof Palme to the future generations. Also the goal is to find out if their version presents Palme as a person who followed the norms or was divergent.To this purpose the thesis use textual analysis combined with a quantitative method in search of which persons the directors give the right to form the myth of Palme and which keywords they use to do describe him. To view the film as a social memory in the transformation to a myth the thesis use Jan Assmans theory of social memory and to find out if the documentary describes Palme as following the norms or divergent it uses Mary Douglas theory of anomaly.The results show that it is mainly the narrator and Olof Palme that gets to form the myth of him but also his family, friends, fellow employees and other persons that met him or was affected by his actions. Palme is discribed as special, intelligent, interested in social politics and able to act as he saw fit even if it was against the norms.

AbstractThis is a story about the Swedish Prime Minister Olof Palme and his struggle against USA´s war in Vietnam in the late 60´s and the early 70´s. We follow the young Palme from his childhood to his travels to America and Asia, there he learns what true poverty means. Further we see Palme change side from his conservative background to a new social idealist. In Prag he learns to truly mistrust communism, an ideology he later in life paradoxical will be accused to stand for. Palme´s politic interests seems to take a great step forward when he starts to write articles in the Swedish newspaper Svenska Dagbladet, there he?s writings take more and more colour from Palme´s own politic stands.

Uppsatsen behandlar Olof Palmes tal rörande bombningarna av Hanoj julen 1972. Ett tal där Olof Palme fördömmde USA:s bombningar av Hanoj. Vilka reaktioner blev det på det så kalla de jultalet av Palme? Är en fråga som behandlas i uppsatsen. Vidare behandlas även vilka konsekvenser jultalet fick för Sverige inrikespolitiskt och utrikespolitiskt.

Olof Palme var en av de ledande kritiska ro?sterna under Vietnamkriget. Go?ran Perssons ro?st var betydligt fo?rsiktigare under Irakkriget. Vad beror det pa? att tva?statsministrar som representerar samma land och samma parti kan go?ra tva? sa?fundamentalt olika sta?llningstaganden? Genom att va?ga externa, interna och individuella faktorer mot varandra har vianalyserat Palmes och Perssons personliga sta?llning i svensk utrikespolitik.Vi har visat att Olof Palme och Go?ran Persson a?r mycket olika som individer och att dessa skillnader a?terspeglas i den utrikespolitik som formulerades.Eftersom vi visar att ba?de Olof Palme och Go?ran Persson har handlat kognitivtkonsistent i formulerandet av utrikespolitiken menar vi att ba?de Palme och Persson direkt pa?verkat utformningen av svensk utrikespolitik.Vi visar ocksa? att den fo?rda svenska utrikespolitiken i ho?g grad sta?mmero?verens med Palmes och Perssons egna utrikespolitiska ma?l vilket sta?rker va?ra slutsatser..

Politics in today's society unfolding more and more in the media, but the media content is limited. Therefore, the media must constantly make choices, choices which are specific to each object. The purpose of this study is to examine how Olof Palme is portrayed as a politician and private individual in the documentary film Palme - älskad och hatad, and also how Carl Bildt is portrayed as a politician and private individual in the documentary film Bildt - excellensen.To study the documentary films I use a qualitative textual analysis with a focus on a narrative analysis. In the narrative analysis, I have been inspired by the categoricalcontent- based approach to study the documentary films. In my analysis, with the help of theories of mediatization of politics, documentaries and stories, I interpret and analyze the films to make them more understandable.The conclusions of the study is that Palme in his role as a politician is portrayed as a humane person who cares about the individual.

1975 besökte Olof Palme med en delegation den kommunistiska diktaturen Kuba där han uttalade sig positivt om landets utveckling. Dessutom betonades vänskapen mellan länderna. Vilka faktorer låg bakom statsministern agerande? Analysen har utgått från system-, stats- och individnivå, där en addition av dessa tre nivåer lett oss fram till våra resultat.Vid en analys av Olof Palmes belief systems visar det sig att han blev demokratisk socialist genom sina resor till Nordamerika och Asien, där ett kolonialt förtryck pågick. När Vietnamkriget blossade upp såg Palme ett liknande förtryck från en stor stat mot en liten stat, på samma sätt som USA var mot Kuba, men bortsåg från förtrycket som regimen utövade.

I uppsatsen kommer det fram att människor är mer medvetna om risker och hot än vad de var för 20 år sedan. Detta framkommer genom att artiklarna som analyserats angående mordet på Olof Palme var mer inriktade på hur chockerande det var för Svenska folket och hur oväntat ett dåd av detta slag var. I artiklarna angående Anna Lindh var människor även där chockade över dådet men det chockerande var i stället att det kunde hända en gång till i Sverige. I de artiklarna har koncentrationen mer legat på gärningsmannen och polisens arbete.I och med detta kunde vi se att befolkningen i Sverige lever med en större medvetenhet om de risker och hot som finns omkring dem i samhället. Detta stämmer väl med de teorier som uppsatsen tar upp om att det finns risker och hot som en del av vardagen på ett annat sätt än för 20 år sedan..

The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue.My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations.

AbstractOne aim of this thesis, has been to explore how discursive frames are constructed, frames to relate to, compare with, and therefore be part in shaping political subjects. The other aim has been connected with a more empirical platform, where I wanted to discover how these frames are established and structured discursively within a political organization, among its members; in this case with a foucs on the Swedish social democracy and its former leader Olof Palme. The thesis starts with a theoretical presentation and discussion, where focus is on the concepts of ideology, discourse theory in the form of Laclau and Mouffe, and narrative theory. The concepts will be presented and discussed, and also related to the other concepts to see their theoretical potential, both ontologically and epistemologically. Finally the theoretical rudiment is linked and analyzed with the empirical material.

De tyska medierna visade både i öst och väst ett stort intresse för Olof Palme, Sverige och den svenska välfärdsstaten. Under det s.k. andra kalla kriget i början av 1980-talet beskylldes Palmes regering för att agera alltför undfallande gentemot det kommunistiska östblocket. Kritiken uttrycktes både inom och utanför Sveriges gränser och var särskilt utbredd i västtysk press, där samtidigt en uppmärksammad diskussion fördes som tycktes gå ut på att skrotförklara den svenska modellen: Sverige framställdes som ett totalitärt, överbyråkratiskt, anti-demokratiskt kontrollsamhälle i en debatt som till stor del anknöt till det mytomspunna året 1984 och George Orwells socialistiska skräckstatsvision i framtidsromanen med samma namn. Debatten kulminerade med några artiklar i västtyska Der Spiegel 1983, där det svenska socialväsendet liknades vid ett ?Barn-gulag? (?Kinder-gulag?).

Based on the concept of rhetorical situation, the purpose of this study is to compare and describe the three Socialist leader's May Day speech from the years 1954, 1978 and 2011. The results of the analysis showed that there is a big difference in how the leaders chooses to appeal to the rhetorical audience. Erlander, 1954, never appealed directly to his audience which Palme, 1978, did both initially as repeatedly throughout his speech. Juholt, 2011, has a personal and frequent appeal which is repeated throughout his speech, which is interpreted as a sign of the intimization of the public language. It proved difficult to discuss the Socialist rhetoric as one unified form.

This Master's thesis discusses the freedom of speech, the right to freedom of opinion and expression, freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas in the context of public libraries in Sweden. The scope of this thesis is to examine the acquisition and maintenance of the literature about the killing of Sweden's Prime Minister Olof Palme 1986. This literature will serve as an instrument to measure the extent to which Swedish public libraries adhere to the rules set by the Swedish parliament, United Nations' universal declaration of human rights article 19, UNESCO's public library manifesto and the principles of the Federation of Library Associations and Institutions..

Learning from traumatic events: a comparative case study of governmental close protection policies in the aftermath of the murder of Olof Palme and Anna LindhViolent and threatful crimes against politicians are as despicable as any other crime acts against citizen. However, if politicians are targeted solely due to their position ? the act can seriously damage the state and central government.This paper compares reports of government commissions and investigations which were initiated after the murder of Swedish prime minister Olof Palme in 1986 and secretary of state Anna Lindh in 2003. The purpose is to analyse and compare the conclusions and distinguish the main arguments that led to those conclusions and decipher similarities and differences through the lens of Tom Christensen?s instrumental perspective as well as Peter May?s social policy learning theory.

Based on the concept of rhetorical situation, the purpose of this study is to compare and describe the three Socialist leader's May Day speech from the years 1954, 1978 and 2011. The results of the analysis showed that there is a big difference in how the leaders chooses to appeal to the rhetorical audience. Erlander, 1954, never appealed directly to his audience which Palme, 1978, did both initially as repeatedly throughout his speech. Juholt, 2011, has a personal and frequent appeal which is repeated throughout his speech, which is interpreted as a sign of the intimization of the public language. It proved difficult to discuss the Socialist rhetoric as one unified form.

Based on the concept of rhetorical situation, the purpose of this study is to compare and describe the three Socialist leader's May Day speech from the years 1954, 1978 and 2011. The results of the analysis showed that there is a big difference in how the leaders chooses to appeal to the rhetorical audience. Erlander, 1954, never appealed directly to his audience which Palme, 1978, did both initially as repeatedly throughout his speech. Juholt, 2011, has a personal and frequent appeal which is repeated throughout his speech, which is interpreted as a sign of the intimization of the public language. It proved difficult to discuss the Socialist rhetoric as one unified form.