This essay aims to map the ideas behind the Swedish cultural reform called Kultursamverkansmodellen, and how the ideas are forming a discourse. Furthermore it examines the social praxis on the three levels that constitutes the model. The three levels are the state, the region and culture creators/civil society. This is a qualitative study based on primary and secondary sources collected on the three levels. The theoretical frame of reference is based on institutional theory, on Michel Foucault?s lecture on The Discourse of Language, and on New Public Management.

The purpose of this study was to examine the problematic and frustrating aspects of parenthood in the modern runaway world of today. In other words, we wanted to study how parents in Sweden experienced their life as parents in the beginning of the 21th century.We wanted to find answers to the following questions:What kind of problems do parents experience and how do they deal with these problems?What would parents consider to be typical for them as parents compared to how they remember their own parents?What do parents think about family politics?Do parents think they need parent education?If parents want parent education, why do they want it?To answer these questions we used qualitative interviews. With this method we got information from six parents and five professional parent educators who was kind enough to let us interview them. We also gathered information about the subject through literature and news articles.The result of the study can be divided into three parts.

Syfte:Att med utgångspunkt ifrån gestaltningsteorin beskriva bilden utav Tea Partyrörelsen i Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet under tidsperioden mellan29/3 2010 ? 16/3 2011Metod:Kvalitativ textanalysHuvudresultat:Den generella mediabilden gestaltade en gräsrotsrörelse vars budskapgrundandes kring mindre skatt, mer frihet och mindre statsmakt. En rörelseunder informell ledning av Sarah Palin som hyste misstro gentemot BarackObama och Washington där den sistnämnde sades representera någotfrämmande och icke amerikanskt.Det fanns dock skillnader tidningarna emellan. Dagens Nyheter framställderörelsen i mångt och mycket som populistisk med återkommande rasistiskatendenser från såväl aktivister som högre uppsatta medlemmar. SvenskaDagbladet å sin sida åberopade däremot rörelsen som mer legitim i dess sätt attväcka entusiasm bland republikanerna.

Based on the concept of rhetorical situation, the purpose of this study is to compare and describe the three Socialist leader's May Day speech from the years 1954, 1978 and 2011. The results of the analysis showed that there is a big difference in how the leaders chooses to appeal to the rhetorical audience. Erlander, 1954, never appealed directly to his audience which Palme, 1978, did both initially as repeatedly throughout his speech. Juholt, 2011, has a personal and frequent appeal which is repeated throughout his speech, which is interpreted as a sign of the intimization of the public language. It proved difficult to discuss the Socialist rhetoric as one unified form.

The aim of this study is to explain the paradox of the memberstates willingness to surrender power of important issues such as asylum and refugee policy and therefore partly abandon its sovereignty. We also discuss the relation between internationalization, regionalization and globalization since these processes form the context in which our research problem is found. A case study is used as a method in this paper.In our quest for answers we use a theory of internationalization that we place in its context by primarily discussing the relation between globalization and regionalization. The theory is used as an explanatory force and to give it a concrete form we operationalised its three processes; internationalization of problems, internationalization of the societies and internationalization of the descisionmaking.The result of the case study shows that the increase in asylumseekers leads to a higher risk of negative competition wich give rise to the memberstates need to coordinate their politics.We found that when societies and problems are being internationalized, the state finds it difficult to resolve problems on their own and this leads to the internationalization of the dedescisionmaking. The internationalization of the decision-making process is therefore natural, which in this case means the decisions are taken by the EU rather than by the member states..

This study?s aim was to explore how the social media Twitter is used by Swedish political leaders and how they manage the relationship between having both private and public conversations in a new public sphere, the social sphere. In Sweden, studies in this area are yet to grow. We achieved our aim by responding to our three questions at the issue: What kind of content is published in each of the politicians Twitter stream? Are the politicians private or public persons on Twitter? Are the politicians using Twitters interactive functions? We conducted our analysis by performing a quantitative content analysis.

In December 2004 an earthquake coursed waves that hit Thailand. Over 5000 people died, and Sweden was the tourist country that has been effected the worst. The catastrophe precipitated Sweden in crises and the demand became high for Swedish government to act. Swedes followed the development via media, why media became the crucial element for how the public perceived politicians? acting.

Taiwan's recent democratization seem to have rallied a wider support of the notion of a national identity amongst its citizens which in the year 2000 led to the election of the pro-independence party DPP and President Chen Shui-bian. Meanwhile, China insists on the "one country, two systems" formula, regarding Taiwan as merely a Chinese province, and continues to fight any Taiwanese initiative towards sovereignty. Through a narrative perspective, this essay analyzes the self-conscious national identity-building quest embarked upon by DPP and President Chen Shui-bian. The analysis consists of three parts. Firstly, a text-analysis of President Chen Shui-bian's speeches is conducted to examine in what way he enforces and legitimizes the identity-building-process through narratives.

This thesis examines the possibility of Bolivian indigenous women?s social movements? getting their demands of a gender equal society fulfilled in the new state which was initiated in 2005 when Evo Morales became the first president representing the indigenous people of the country. By using a qualitative method I have showed that although the Bolivian indigenous women?s social movements? historically has been significant political actors for social change in the country, with representation at both regional and national level, Bolivian women are still subordinated in the social and political sphere. By applying a feminist intersectional perspective which takes its point of departure in a understanding of power as multidimensional, where gender, ethnicity and class are constitutive principals, multiculturalism theories and a social movements theory framework, I have found that even if institutional changes, that opened the system increased the indigenous women?s social movements political participation in Bolivia, power structures based on gender limited their possibilities to influence both socially and politically.

AbstractGlobalisation has lead to changes on many levels of our society; -industrial, technological, and corporate to name a few. This is an ongoing process which affects the society we live in today. The process is affecting the working-conditions for everyone through the changes of the relations on the working market. The unions have enjoyed a very special role in Sweden for a long time, but that role is now affected by these changes. The relationship between state and unions is changing, and the unions? influence in politics is decreasing.

The aim of this paper is to see if Sweden has implemented the recommendations and taken notice of the guidelines for employment that the Commission and Council set up every year and from this see the role of the Commission and Council for the national employment politics. The years that I focused on in the paper are year 2000- 2004. The method that is used is a case study research that is exploratory and explanatory. The theoretical starting points are theories about delegation, cooperation and a variation of control and autonomy. This is recognized in the Principal- Agent theory and the Principal- Supervisor-Agent model.

This essay is about the Northern Ireland Conflict and the Belfast Agreement. Its focus is on the development in Northern Ireland politics after the implementationof the Agreement which was ratified in a referendum. The essay is a case studywhich analyzes the progress towards an Assembly Government and powersharingbetween the unionists and the nationalists/republicans. The development is analyzed with Robert D. Putnam's theory of Two-Level Games? The essay first analyzes the changes in the unionist society where the opinion towards the agreement has been negative which depends on the concessions made by the unionist.

AbstractThe aim of this essay is to analyse the effects of women's representation on actual political outcome. Quantitative method and materials are used to study the consequences of women's political participation in Swedish municipals.Many theorists think that women have special interests, different from men?s, which is also the belief of this essay. This political interest is here defined as freedom from discrimination and violence against women. In order to see if this interest is present in local policy it is transformed into variables concerning whether the local authority has an equality plan, supports a local shelter for abused women and by how much money it supports women's shelter.

The integration of the Internet in our society has shaped alot of the things we do in our lives. The Web allows us to achieve certain things directly through our computers, such as reading the paper and paying our bills. But this integration has also lead to another interesting change. Activists have begun to unload their operations onto the Net instead of holding on to the more traditional demonstrations performed in squares. This study aims to look into the world of cyberactivism and examine how cyberactivists experience the way activism has changed as a result of using the Internet.

Our main aim has been to examine and analyse how Landskrona Commune is working with preventive measures against narcotics among youth in the agespan 15-18 years old. The central issues have been to examine how you work preventively, which measures are taken when someone has tested/used narcotics and how the cooperation works between the different actors. To get answers to our questions, we chose to interview and observe specialists coming I contact with the youth. We have also used previous researches by using existing literature on the subject.Our work has been based on an historical review of Swedish politics and the lawful aspects on the use of narcotics.The concepts used to answer our questions are preventive-, secondary- and tertiary prevention. We have found that the preventive work is of importance to the youth, the parents and society.