When studying the voting behaviour of the Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) concerning the Services Directive within the EU, what patterns can be observed? With a starting point in previous findings about voting behaviour, this study analyses the results of the given Roll-call votes in the European Parliament in regards to the Services Directive. Here I focus on the division of votes within and between the member states and the parliamentary political groups; with the aim to identify patterns that might show clash of opinion concerning this issue. I found that ideology seems to play a role in the MEPs voting behaviour. Parties on the far left reach the highest level of cohesion and together with the party on the far right, they voted against the Directive, but due to different reasons.

This study aims at describing if discrepancies can be found between the rhetoric in Swedish political parties? electoral campaigns to the European Parliament elections in 2004 and their representatives? actual behavior in the European Parliament and to develop plausible explanations to these possible discrepancies. The research method that is being used is content analysis, aiming to answer four research questions regarding the electoral campaigns to the European Parliament elections in 2004 and the behavior by the parties? representatives during the following term of office. The main findings are that some discrepancies can be found regarding which questions are raised most frequently in the electoral campaigns and in the European Parliament, but that no discrepancies can be found regarding the positions taken in questions in the electoral campaigns and in the European Parliament.

This study raises the question how the implementation of the balanced scorecard in the municipality of Gotland has been influenced by the way of communication. A case study is made in the administration of Social-and care management on Gotland. We have been focusing on two different ways of communication. The first one is Shannon and Weavers model where communication is explained as a transmission of a message through a channel to a receiver. The other one is sensemaking where it is focal to give the information meaning.

This thesis investigates the Designated Operational Entities (DOEs) under the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) of the Kyoto Protocol. The DOEs serves as independent third-party auditors with the task of validating, verifying and certifying projects under the CDM. The majority of the DOEs are private entities. This is in line with the CDM objective of including the private sector in the climate change combat. The introduction of private entities in the role of DOEs can be questioned from a legitimacy point of view, but is corresponding to a development in international environmental governance where private actors are increasingly involved in governance arrangements.The thesis concludes the DOEs to be a form of public-private partnership and investigates the legitimacy of this form.

The reporting of the media will never be an exact copy of reality. Through medias way of presenting, or framing, the world that surround us all they must also affect our interpretation of it. The role of the journalist includes both chosing and excluding in the way they describe things. Studies have been made by the wellknown mediaresearcher, Kent Asp, that show how media reported in more negative wordings about Mona Sahlin, than her opponent Fredrik Reinfeldt in the period building up to the swedish elections 2010. The purpose of our study has been to compare how these politicians were being described, or framed, in the media, in regards to their gender.Our study has shown that Mona Sahlin more often than Fredrik Reinfeldt was described as being less knowledgeable, and were mentioned in the context of scandals or conflicts.

ABSTRACTThe study is an analysis of the politic debate about the decentralising of the public school between the years 1946 and 1990. The problem that the essay is about to study is which reason made the decentralising take place. The texts that have been read, interpreted and reconstructed are propositions, motions and written debates in the parliament. The purpose of the study is to examine the discussion about the schools decentralising in 1946-1990. The aim is also to examine what kind of pro- and contra arguments that are shown in the debate and who the interveners are and why they made a statement.

Based on the concept of rhetorical situation, the purpose of this study is to compare and describe the three Socialist leader's May Day speech from the years 1954, 1978 and 2011. The results of the analysis showed that there is a big difference in how the leaders chooses to appeal to the rhetorical audience. Erlander, 1954, never appealed directly to his audience which Palme, 1978, did both initially as repeatedly throughout his speech. Juholt, 2011, has a personal and frequent appeal which is repeated throughout his speech, which is interpreted as a sign of the intimization of the public language. It proved difficult to discuss the Socialist rhetoric as one unified form.

The purpose of this study is to investigate if reconciliation between former war-enemies and ethnic groups (Muslims, Croats and Serbs) in Bosnia and Hercegovina is possible today. Reconciliation between these groups is necessary for the development of the state and sustainable peace. In order to fulfil the aim I have applied qualitative conversation interviews together with qualitative literature study.In this research I have studied the three largest parties (SDA, HDZ and SDS) in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Conversation interviews were made with two representatives of each party. The reconciliation theory and the recommendations that the theory advocates were used in the study.

The purpose of this paper is to make a qualitative content analysis. The used articles are taken from the time period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-30 and the questions that this paper is based upon are:How do the tabloid Expressen and the morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter define and diagnose the causes and problems of the iron pipe scandal during the period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-20?What kind of valuations and solutions does the tabloid Expressen and the morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter provide of the iron pipe scandal during the period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-30?Does the framing of the iron pipe scandal during the period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-30 differ between the tabloid Expressen and the morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter?The result of this paper shows that through the tabloid Expressen and the morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter way of framing the Swedish democrats during the period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-30, the society cannot get another picture of the Swedish Democrats than that they are a right wing populist party..

Apple has since their launch of the Iphone series created a billion dollar business with the market place Appstore. Third-party apps have disrupted the mobile industry, attracted a high number of developers and set the standard for the industry. Despite success, this market has yet not been the topic of any academic study, a fact that makes this thesis important. Under the assumption that apps can be regarded as a service, traditional service marketing theories have been applied with the research goal to map existing business models, evaluate revenue potential and understand best practices of marketing techniques. A series of qualitative interviews with representatives from the difference business models, backed by secondary data describing the domain shows how the Appstore has evolved over time and which marketing practices that appear successful.

The aim of this paper is to see if Sweden has implemented the recommendations and taken notice of the guidelines for employment that the Commission and Council set up every year and from this see the role of the Commission and Council for the national employment politics. The years that I focused on in the paper are year 2000- 2004. The method that is used is a case study research that is exploratory and explanatory. The theoretical starting points are theories about delegation, cooperation and a variation of control and autonomy. This is recognized in the Principal- Agent theory and the Principal- Supervisor-Agent model.

On the 11th of march 2006, the journal Landskrona Posten began an article series with the ambition to review the juvenile gangs in the city of Landskrona. The articles received heavy response from the readers. About six months later Landskrona was the centre of attention in the Swedish media. 22,3 percent of the city's population had voted for the nationalist party ?Sverigedemokraterna? in the municipal election.

University of VäxjöSchool of Social SciencesBachelor Thesis in Political ScienceTitle: ?Sverigedemokraternas valframgångar 2006 ? En ulv i fårakläder??Author: Emma Haraldsson and Åsa NeuschützTutor: Emil UddhammarThe aim of this study is to explain Sverigedemokraterna?s electoral success in 2006 and the essay assumes that some form of change has occurred. To study this change two hypotheses have been constructed. The first hypothesis concerns the change within Sverigedemokraterna and the second hypothesis concerns the change of the Swedish voters attitudes.Kirchheimers catch-all theory is used to explain the change in Sverigedemokraterna. The catch-all theory states that parties have to change their structure to maximise the number of votes.

Capella and Jamiesons research of how the media describes politics has shown that it is very often case of one of two scenarios: game frames; or issue frames. The central idea of this framing theory is that when politicians are described within game frames the disdain towards politicians is believed to increase. Capella and Jamieson have shown that, at least in the US, the use of game framing has increased. The Swedish Scholar Jesper Strömbäck has however, with his research, shown that, despite the earlier theory of Capella and Jamieson, in Sweden the tendency is not so clearly demarcated. In fact he says that if anything, the tendency looks to be the antithesis.

This study examines how Qatar and Russia utilize football as an instrument of foreign-policy. While previous reasearch has primarily focused on mega-events, such as the Olympic games and the FIFA World Cup, this thesis expands the scope by analyzing how footbal functions as a strategic tool for nation branding in both countries. The study employs a comparative qualitative case study appraoch, based on Simon Anholt?s nation branding framework, modified to include four dimensions instead of six. The analysis demonstrates that both Qatar and Russia leverage football to advance their foreign policy objectives, but in markedly different ways.