The Oresund Region, consisting of the Swedish county of Scania and the Danish islands of Sealand, Lolland, Falster and Bornholm, is widely recognised as a successful example of European cross-border co-operation. The purpose of this region building project is to form a cross-border fully integrated functional region in order to accomplish a high level of economic growth and employment.This thesis argues, by the means of discourse analysis, that the project can be viewed as a kind of post-politics, defined as a politics that under a neoliberal hegemonic consensus strives to manipulate citizens (and to redefine them as consumers and investors) into better economic performance.This manipulation is carried out by extensive discourse production aimed at convincing people that the Oresund Region exists, that it is a successful region, and that the people who inhabit it are also successful. The deliberate vagueness and contradictory character of the Oresund discourse is investigated and explained as a discursive strategy to incorporate as many views and desires as possible..

The central goal of this study was to compare statements of the minister of migration in power in 1994 with those of the minister of migration in 2006. The statements reflect two peaks of refugee immigration in connection to the war in former Yugoslavia and the present war in Iraq. The study analyses the statements in a critical discourse analysis framework. More specifically the aim was to find out if there were any discursive differences in these statements and how they might manifest themselves in society. The material was composed of 12 texts, 6 for each period originating from Swedish newspapers and from the ministers' public speeches.

When discussing local development attention is often given to the problems involved. Factors like decreasing population and inadequate infrastructure are two examples. Local politics has, however, lately been argued to have possibilities to affect its own development and its chances to achieve growth. Some of the most important factors from this debate are to make a community attractive for people and companies, committed leadership, the local business world with entrepreneurialism and a good business climate. These factors serve as a starting point for this discussion where focus is on the possibilities to achieve growth on the local level and the politics that is used for this purpose.To illustrate the chances to affect local growth I apply the theoretical perspective of regime theory and thereby examine the governing coalitions "power to" govern and not "power over" as the earlier theoretical perspectives in the area.

The elderly care is an area of great importance to women. Women are more often in need of elderly care; they work with the service and provide a majority of the informal service. Research shows that managers? work-related prerequisites are significantly different between the male dominated technical administration and the female dominated care and educational administration. Studies also show that what the highest managerial organisation gives priority to, often permeate the whole organisation.

This study is called When the ice of the Arctic melts is the world defrosting? and written by Rebecca Fröling.The purpose of the study is to investigate how the concept ?security? is used in the Swedish arctic strategy and why the concept is described in that way. The debate of the concept ?security? has been going on for years, but the debate is still present today. What we put in to the concept is operative for how we regard and discuss security and security politics.To analyze the strategy I used two theories, one with a traditional approach and one with a critical approach to security: Realism and Copenhagen School.The method that has been applied to the study is qualitative content analysis, to be able to analyze the text on the depth.

In the post Cold-War era, world politics was transforming itself through its emerging complex issues such as terrorism and influential and interdependent actors such as the European Union. In this new era, the European Union was developing its Common Foreign and Security Policy pillar both to present a coherent and unified EU policy and to prove its political potent in order to become an influential actor on world politics. On the other side, security environment was also transforming its content through emerging actors and issues. As one of the most prominent actors of the world politics, the EU was influenced by the transformation of security environment, whose economic ?soft power? proved necessary but insufficient for being a global power in this emerging security environment.

This paper examines the ideological content of the compulsory school policy of the Swedish Liberal Party. The aim of the study is to investigate whether the Liberal Party does really represent a liberal policy for the compulsory school, or if it is more accurately described as conservative. The analysis is carried through by two separate critical examinations of the Liberal Party motion on school politics to the parliament and the Conservative Party motion on school politics to the parliament respectively. A comparison is then made between the ideological contents of the two documents. The specific party policies are linked to universal definitions of liberalism and conservatism with the help of an analytical tool consistent of a series of educational philosophies.

This essay is about the Workers Communist Party. My method for the analyzing part in this essay is qualitative methods such as text and idea analysis. I have chosen the words of Claudin to describe which ideological standpoints Workers Communist Party have. First I write about the background to why Workers Communist Party was formed in 1977. The background is the big split of extreme left wingers from the left party, which formed several organisations such as The Communist Marxist-Leninist Revolutionary Party and The Communist Organization for Marxist-Leninists.

The purpose of this master's thesis is to describe and analyse the origin and development of the libraries in the town of Värnamo, between the years 1908 and 1960, when a new modern public library was inaugurated. The method I have used is, to a great extent, examining and analysing source material from the archive of the municipality in Värnamo and the popular movement in Jönköping. As a background to my study I describe the development of the Swedish society, from the end of the nineteenth-, until the middle of the twentieth century. I also describe the local development of Värnamo, during the same period. Furthermore I also give a general description of the progress of the libraries in Sweden during the same time.

In my thesis, I set out to study academic peer reviews in the hope of clarifying the experts? views on what qualities and qualifications are desirable when appointing or promoting scholars within History of Science. I also investigate whether or not these views change over the years, as I have studied opinions written between 1980 and 2010. I use a qualitative method of analysis, in which I study what words in the peer reviews are used to describe certain values, and how these words relate to the historical and political background of History of Science in Sweden. My research indicates that academic experts are starting to adapt their opinions to the change in educational politics that has taken place during the second half of the 20th century.

The topic of this essay is information seeking for children and young people in municipal libraries. This is based in the growing need for information seeking skills in the Information Society. Policy documents on the topic are scrutinized and related to a concrete praxis. Data has been collected through two case studies; one carried out in Ronneby and one in Trandared, Borås. These cases where chosen because of the existence of a local policy for library skills and information search for 6 to 12-year-olds.

From a democratic viewpoint, the way in which the media frames politics is essential. Should issue frames be left out in favor of other types of frames, it could result in voters struggling to make informed decisions come Election Day. What is more, research shows that game frames may cause lack of confidence in politicians and declining political interest. Against this background, the present study aimed to find out how two broadsheets, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet, and two tabloids, Aftonbladet and Expressen, framed politics in connection with the 2014 Swedish parliamentary elections. The thesis also intended to identify possible differences between the two newspaper types and to make tentative comparisons with previous studies so as to be able to comment on framing developments.

Pupils learn in different ways, varied teaching is needed to encourage all pupils. Aesthetic can be a good tool in this work and dance is one of the aesthetic subjects that can be used in the education. Dance gives the pupils an awareness of their bodies and what they can express through it. The essay discusses diffrent angel of incidence of dance in school and its positive effects and examines what kinds of dance there are in the schools of Vänersborg?s municipal.

One aim of this thesis has been to trace the driving forces among active members of the Swedish Pensioners? Interest Party (SPI), but also to render how party values and ideas are connected to the concepts of is-sue space, distrust, and New Party Politics (mainly populism). Since there are several pensioners? parties in other countries, my second aim has been to investigate whether the party is a result of a diffusion proc-ess of copying a successful equivalent party; in other words to find out whether a master frame has inspired the forming of a Swedish pension-ers? party. Through interviews and document analysis, I have found seven issue dimensions explaining the motives behind my respondents? engagement in the party.

The hypothesis of this study is that the local government act in Sweden 1862 was an instrument for the state to keep its´ political influence on the local level. It did not open for local self-government. The swedish historians Dahlkvist and Strandberg description of the Swedish local government act support this hypothesis, as does the analysis of political scientists Pettersson and Söderlind. The general opinion that the local government act opened for local self-government does still exist among many swedish historians.This study had two aims. The first was to investigate the actual extent of self-government in Borgvik, a small municipality in Sweden during the period 1861-1924.