In recent years the liberal representative democracy has been subject of a substantial critique because of its inability to accommodate difference and createa genuinely democratic political process. One such critique comes from the theory of deliberative democracy. Supporters of deliberative democracy try to promote a model of democracy that take its vantage point in free and equal deliberationbetween all relevant actors in a political community. This model has with some success opposed the aggregative model of democracy, and in important ways turned the attention to the potential of deliberative processes.However, the deliberative model is still somewhat underdeveloped when it comes to issues of diversity and difference. This essay deals with such deficiencies by analysing deliberative democracy in the light of the critiquelaunched by difference- and radical democrats.

My study is about how parents talk to their children about alcohol. The purpose of my study was to study how young teenagers communicate with their parents about alcohol. I also wanted to find out if parents have any influence over their children's choice of drinking. I have chosen to look at these questions from the perspective that alcohol is a cultural phenomenon, that children is a part of a family system and that alcohol can be viewed as a part of the children's liberation from their parents. I used a qualitative research method and interviewed five young teenagers, who are students at upper secondary schools ("gymnasium" in Swedish) in Lund, they where all under 18 years old.

Denna studie har analyserat fyra forumtrådar från det svenska Internetforumet Flashback Forum. Jag har specifikt valt att studera forumets underavdelning för diskussioner rörande feminism och jämställdhet. Jag har ? genom närläsning, diskursanalys och katalogisering av foruminläggen ? försökt att analysera och ?konstruera? de diskurser som dominerar denna forumavdelning, för att förstå hur skribenterna artikulerar tecken som ?feminism? och ?kroppen?. Mina slutsatser är att två diskurser tydligt dominerar på forumavdelningen.

The aim of this thesis is to discover facts about the Sweden democrats by looking at statistics of five different municipalities. The main question at issue is: What can you say about the Sweden democrat's voters by researching the voter statistics of the voter districts in the municipalities. The five municipalities who are the object of the study are, Helsingborg, Hässleholm, Landskrona, Svedala and Trelleborg.The Method for this thesis is a case study of five municipalities in Skåne. I have been researching the voterstatistics in the local voterdistricts of 2002 and 2006. I have compared The Sweden democrats with the Social democrats, the conservative party (Moderaterna), and the liberal party (Folkpartiet Liberalerna).The theories that this thesis is based on are voterbehaviour and rightwing-party theories.The Results are that one can not see any signs of the Sweden democrat's success being a result of a far-reaching right wave.

The point of departure for this essay is the observation that themunicipality of Lund is giving priority to handicap associations overother forms of associations. This act can be regarded as trespassinginto the realm of civil society. In respect of this, two aspects appearto be particularly interesting to explore. The first is to determinewhich perspective of freedom the municipality of Lund holds. Ireconstruct how the liberal and the communitarian state relate to thenegative and the positive freedom.

Denna studie undersöker läsbarheten i ledargenren i morgontidningarna DN och SvD med hjälp av läsbarhetsfaktorerna; meningslängd, bisatsfrekvens, personliga pronomen och personord, LIX samt OVIX. Hypotesen som prövas i uppsatsen är att ledargenren, liksom skriftspråket i allmänhet, har gått mot ett allt ?enklare? och mer läsbart språk med mer inslag av talspråklighet. En annan hypotes är att DN som är en liberal tidning har ett enklare språk än SvD som är konservativ/moderat. Materialet består av sammanlagt 12 ledartexter från åren 2004, 2008 och 2012.

When Deng Xiaoping introduced his reform program, he began China's transition from a plan economy to a socialist market economy. Liberal theorists often argue that there is an automatic link between ?free market? and ?democracy?, however this link is not evident in China. This contradiction constitutes the problem area of this thesis.With a theoretical framework containing ?totalitarism? and ?Tang Tsous culturalist approach? I have analysed the leadership of CCP (China's Communist Party) and its strategies to maintain the Chinese political system.

AbstractIn this theory-testing case study I will analyze and discuss the Gulf War which took place in the Middle East in 1990-1991 and has become an important topic for discussion among IR scholars in the post-Cold War era. The events that led up to the Gulf War, as well as the war itself, will be analyzed from two different perspectives; Realism and Liberalism. Within these differing theoretical frameworks I have chosen to use elements from, on the one hand, Classical and Structural Realism, and on the other hand, Idealism and Liberal Institutionalism. Focusing on these specific schools of thought I aim to derive essential, ?key?, concepts that will then be tested against empirical fact.The overall purpose of this study is to try to logically explain, through detailed analysis, the actions of the actors involved in the Gulf War and, in addition, why this war ever occurred.

The aim of this essay is to explore the lived citizenship and its ideal. First, the form and expression of citizenship practice and ideal is explored through a qualitative interwiev study of ten citizens in the southern suburbs of Stockholm. The perception and expectations of the nature of citizenship, presented by the informants, is then compared to their citizen ideal, as well as to the ideal presented and promoted by the Swedish government. The point of departure is theory of democracy. The essay calls attention to an observed lack of empirical studies in the field of deliberative theory of democracy as well as studies that more broadly bring the theory down to empirical earth.

This essay analyses the national standard for maintenance aid and if it´s compatible with the standards set in the government mould.As new-liberal ideas get more scope in the Swedish policy the analyses focus consisted in seeing about the social contribution been changed, and if the standards in the government mould have lost their worth.The national standard is not edified on the basis of subsistence levels, but becomes paradoxical when numbers of welfare recipients is the measure used in order to measure poverty, concurrent as the government mould aims to protecting every citizen?s welfare.The study analyses a type of society that has emerged during a period of time. In a normative analysis concepts are set in relation to each other where, the analysis presents standards that are vague. If the standards in the government mould are presented as something valuable and get their worth back in the policy, perhaps also the citizen´s in Sweden change attitude to poverty and welfare contribution.   Social- liberalism justifies social contribution and the welfare State, while new-liberalism has other opinions about what redistribution should contain.

The official Swedish interpretation of the concept of citizenship is based on the social-liberal concept of citizenship. According to feminist critique, this interpretation of the concept contains male norms that lead to the exclusion of several groups from full citizenship. There is also a corresponding feminist critique which holds that in the womens´ movement and gender research there are strong norms as well, especially in the form of ethnocentrism. Also, the image of immigrant women in public debate is being questioned and the critics here raise the question of the responsibility of the society for integration. Swedish research on citizenship has focused very little on the situation of immigrant women, and this essay aims at helping to fill this empirical gap.

The main purpose of this essay is to study ideas concerning the concept of ?art? within the discourse of the exhibition space that is part of a fanart community. In order to do so I have used a hermeneutical and to some extent structuralistic, discourse analysis. I have examined structure and rhetorics in two established and popular communities, Fanart-Central and deviantART.My conclusions states that personal ideas regarding artistic value are undermined the joint policies, because of a collective rhetoric somewhat inherent in the community structure.When a lot of works are being based on internal knowledge of symbolics and historical narratives, this may to some extent have consequences where unfamiliar observers might fail to notice elements of possible significance. Moreover, certain interests in keeping a united front of ?quality art? may also affect a general idea immediate to what signifies fanart.

The aim of this bachelor´s thesis ist to analyze the idea progress in the party programs in the swedish Centre-party during the time 1910-1959. The progress in the party program is compared with the evolution of society during the same period.The bachelor´s aim is also to analyze how each new program is described in newspapers, two newspapers were chosen to make the comparison; Arbetet (a social-democratic newspaper), and Skånska Dagbladet (a centre-party newspaper). The result shows that the party in the beginning was conservative and against both capitalism and socialism. The start of the party was a reaction against the new electionsystem which was introduced in Sweden in 1909.The party took a clear standpoint for the Swedish farmers, but after 1933, they were standing for the whole countryside. In the 1940´s and the 1950´s the party became more like a social liberal party rather than an agrarian party only for the farmers.The party programs are not given much space in the two newspapers.

The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze how health care providers, working at care facilities providing maintenance treatment programs for opiate dependence, perceive and manage the legal framework governing the treatment. The study is limited to a few particular rules within this framework which over the recent decade have been the subject matter of debate regarding i.a. their alleged lack of relation to scientific research and their frequently disastrous implications for program participants. The empirical material consists of interviews with five respondents working at four different care facilities and has been analyzed by using Lipskys theory on street-level bureaucrats as policymaking agents. The results of the study show that the rules are looked upon and dealt with in a liberal fashion and that the primary loyalty of the maintenance treatment staff is clearly directed towards promoting the well-being of their patients and helping them reach their treatment goals rather than strictly following the rules..

Since 1999 Sweden have a law that criminalises the person who buys sexual services instead of criminalising the one who is selling, which in most cases is a woman. Seven years has passed since this law took place and in this study we aim to investigate what kind of help the society offer women in Malmö, Sweden, who wishes to step out of prostitution. Our aim with this study is also to look at the attitudes among citizens towards the new law and prostitution. The research is qualitative and all the six persons we interviewed has knowledge about the problems the women are facing when they want to step out of prostitution. To explane and analyse the answers we are using the theory of empowerment, labelling theory, the theory of gender socialisation and Jürgen Habermas theory of the lifeworld.The most significant outcome of this study shows a positive result in regard of the laws effectiveness in diminishing street-prostitution to half of what i t was before the law was put into practice.