The persecution of the Rohingya Muslim minority population in southwestern Burma has come to the fore in recent years. The aim of this study is to first analyse the degree and respects of biopolitical control in the case of political oppression. Secondly, the aim is to compare the similarities and differences when it comes to the causes, mechanisms and expressions of the two theoretical starting points in the case.Giorgio Agamben´s biopolitical theory, which tries to reconnect state control over life and death with modernity, forms the basis of the analysis. Will Kymlicka´s liberal theory on minority rights serves as a theoretical comparison tool. Methodological starting points to the specific bilateral purpose will be both of the textual and discursive analytical tradition.

Syftet med uppsatsen var att öka kunskapen om och förståelsen för ungdomars attityder till sex. Den här studien fokuserade på ungdomars kognitiva dimensioner i form av kunskaper, information, föreställningar och attityder. Huvudfrågan var vilken attityd ungdomar har till sex, i en jämförelse mellan pojkar och flickor respektive elever på studieförberedande och yrkesförberedande program. Vi gjorde en kvantitativ enkätstudie med 116 elever i årskurs tre på Tessins gymnasium i Nyköping. Studien genomfördes i sju klasser inom yrkesförberedande program respektive studieförberedande program.

This thesis analyzes how homonationalist and heteroactivist discourses are reproduced in the Sweden Democrats political communication between 2022 and 2025. Drawing on critical discourse analysis, the study examines a selection of key texts, including two Almedalen speeches by the party leader Jimmie ?kesson (2022, 2024), an extraction from a report produced by the party, and a parliamentary motion. The study is theoretically grounded in scholarship on homonationalism, heteroaktivism and populist radical right nationalism. It investigates how gender, sexuality and religion are discursively mobilized to define national belonging and construct boundaries between ?us? and ?the other?.

AbstractWhen the Swedish Centre Party, Centerpartiet, just before Christmas 2012 released a draft for new program of ideas a powerful "winter storm" broke out. Ideas that Centerpartiet would abolish compulsory schooling and the right to inheritance and allow polygamy are just a few of the things that cause alarm.It's not the first time during the last years the Centre Party is associated with neo-liberal elements in their party?s ideology. In 2007 Erik Ullenhag criticized Centerpartiet for their new neo-liberalism was a danger to the alliance.The aim of this study is to investigate whether it is possible to see a change in Centerpartiets ideology and how deep it is. From an idea analytical approach based on ideal types, created for social liberalism, neoliberalism and ecohumanism, the party programs from 2001 and 2013 are studied.

The subject-matter of the following essay is to investigate the relationship between what is commonly called Deep Ecology or Biocentric Philosophy, as articulated by the co-founder of the Deep Ecology Movement, Arne Naess, and later proponents of the biocentric school of environmentalist thought. I contrast Naess? concept of Self-realization as founded in his Ecosophy T to the ideas of american conservationist and co-founder of the radical green movement Earth First! Dave Foreman, and to the controversial finnish environmentalist and ecofascist Pentti Linkola?s ideological agenda of population-reduction respectively.According to some critics of the movement, especially the social ecologist Murray Bookchin and French liberal philosopher Luc Ferry, the Deep Ecology ideology is essentially misanthropic and totalitarian in structure. A central idea among deep ecologists is that ecosystems and natural entities have intrinsic value in themselves, even outside a human social context. This idea is thought of among deep ecologists to create a philosophically sound basis for counteracting the environmental global crisis.

This essay concerns the notion of how immigration politics, defined as a political discursive structure that explains and justifies how and why the movement of people into a state's territory is restricted and controlled, has come to present its purpose not as solidarity with the 'immigrants' wanting to enter the state but as a protective measure for the state's citizens. By using discourse theory combined with theories from the International Relations field I attempt to explain why and how such a discourse positions 'immigrants' as a threat to the state.First, I concentrate on why an immigration politics discourse would position 'immigrants' as a threat. I argue that in order for people to construct their identity, the 'outside' what they "are not" has to be repressed. In the same way, the state has to dislocate the "outside" and create threats to uphold its supremacy. These boundaries are set to create a feeling of predictability and security, and ultimately they are a way of making peoples' "world" coherent.

The purpose of the thesis is to examine the relation between art, politics and ideology in contemporary art, focusing on the drawings depicting Mohammed the prophet as a dog, made by the Swedish artist Lars Vilks. His work is contextual in accordance with current art practice, thus letting everything related to the artwork become part of it, a circumstance the thesis tries to grasp in the widest respect possible. The drawings were published and spread throughout Swedish media, where they were later defended and criticized by a number of writers. Many debaters argued that the art work represents Western freedom of speech, and that to criticize them is to criticize fundamental democratic rights. This discourse tended to disqualify all arguments that questioned why such force was put into defending and spreading offensive pictures.

The purpose of this Masters thesis is to examine the debate concerning Agnes von Krusenstjernas Fröknarna von Pahlen-novels from a ideological analytic perspective. This debate came to be called The Krusenstjerna feud Krusenstjernafejden and was most intensive in the years 1934-35 after Porten vid Johannes and Älskande par had been published. We examine 8 articles using a text analytic method. We have limited ourselves to public material that is available in Swedish press and Swedish magazines. Our ambition is, through this, to determine the articles authors political point of view and ideas of preference.

The aim of this thesis is to examine the debate in Swedish library press concerning privatization of public libraries. The aim of the thesis stems from a desire to know whether Swedish librarians, as has been alleged in contemporary right wing debate, are politically biased and adherents of socialism. The debate is analysed using the method of idea and ideology analysis, using the tool of ideal types of the ideologies socialism and neo- liberalism. As material I have chosen articles from the magazines Biblioteksbladet and DIK Forum, from the years 1989 to 2010. The reason for choosing the topic of privatization is that it is a controversial question and a topic one could expect to generate a heated debate.Four positions can be discerned in the debate.

Journalistiken övergår allt mer från analog till digital form, men i politiska ungdomsförbundens fall, har de förbund som tagit bort sin medlemstidning inte ersatt med en digital redaktionell produkt. I uppsatsen undersöks om förbunden som har en medlemstidning anser att den är och ska vara en journalistisk produkt eller ej och om de följer Journalistförbundets riktlinjer för organisationspress, det vill säga principer för journalistiken och arbetsmetoderna i medlemstidningarna. För att undersöka detta har en kvalitativ intervjustudie förbund- och redaktionsrepresentanter gjorts, samt en kvantitativ innehållsanalys av förbundens hemsidor. Dessutom har en kvantitativ innehållsanalys av Grön Ungdoms medlemstidning från start till nedläggning gjorts, då tidningen vid studiens genomförande skulle läggas ned.De politiska ungdomsförbund som omnämns i uppsatsen är: Moderata Ungdomsförbundet (MUF), Socialdemokratiska Ungdomsförbundet (SSU), Liberala Ungdomsförbundet (LUF), Kristdemokratiska Ungdomsförbundet (KDU), Centerpartiets Ungdomsförbund (CUF), Ung Vänster, Grön Ungdom, Ung Pirat och Sverigedemokratiska Ungdomsförbundet (SDU).För att tidningen enligt journalistförbundets principer ska kunna kallas organisationspress, ska ansvarig utgivare och redaktion vara oberoende förbundet, redaktionen få tillgång till organisationens material och dokument och att få tillräckligt med resurser för att kunna bedriva sin verksamhet. Den här uppsatsen visar att få politiska ungdomsförbund har prioriterat organisationspressen.

Frihandelsavtalet Nafta (North American Free Trade Agreement) slöts den 1:a januari 1994 mellan USA, Kanada och Mexiko.Synen på fri handel har alltid varit en laddad ideologisk fråga och det var främst fackföreningsrörelsen och miljörörelsen som kom att rikta den skarpaste kritiken mot Nafta. Den handlade bland annat om den höga mexikanska immigrationsnivån till USA, ökad arbetslöshet, att miljöfrågorna inte prioriterades och att avtalet skulle leda fram till större ekonomiska klyftor. Syftet med uppsatsen är att med enkomparativ ansats undersöka hur det mediala språkbruket i New York Times konstruerar och ramar in bilden av Nafta under åren 1993 och 2009/2010 och vilken ideologisk konsensus som dras.Genom att använda Entmans inramningsanalys (framing), van Dijks kritiska diskursanalys och Fowlers konsensusideologi, kunde bakomliggande ideologier och diskurser komma upp till ytan och intressanta iakttagelser av Nafta göras.Problemdefinitionen 1993 speglade ett Mexiko i djup ekonomisk- och social kris och USA:s ekonomiska problem med bland annat hög arbetslöshet och stora mexikanska immigrationsvågor. Problemet låg främst i den okunnighet och rädsla som genomsyrade den amerikanska befolkningens inställning till Nafta. I 1993 års artiklar fanns en genomgående repetition av den dominerande och homogena inramningen som bestod av en liberal marknadssyn där frihandel lyftes fram som det främsta framgångsreceptet och därmed blev Nafta den enda utvägen ur krisen.

Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka vilka pedagogiska perspektiv som var rådande och vilka metoder som användes för fostran av sinnessjuka patienter på hospitalen under senare hälften av 1800-talet, med fokus på Uppsala hospital. Frågorna som ställs är hur hospitalet fungerade som fostrande institution och vilka pedagogiska tankar överläkaren N. G Kjellberg uttryckte samt vilken pedagogisk funktion arbetet på hospitalet hade och hur den intellektuella undervisningen bedrevs.Källmaterialet består av stadgor, Sveriges officiella statistik, patientjournaler samt artiklar författade av N. G Kjellberg och en historisk hermeneutisk metod används. Foucaults teorier om makt och disciplinering utgör den teoretiska utgångspunkten men utan att uppsatsens tolkningsbas är ensidigt disciplineringsteoretiskt.Resultaten visar på att hospitalets inneboende struktur och ordning hade stor betydelse för fostran av de sinnessjuka.

This essay researches how newspapers created fictional reader identities through their content. Three newspapers have been studied from the week first to eight of February 1890, Nya Dagligt Allehanda, Dagens Nyheter and Stockholms Nyheter. The question that the essay is attempting to answer is which fictional readers were created. This is done through both a content analysis and a deeper language analysis of the newspapers. The text is seen as an active agent, creating the identity of the reader that they imagine when they write, an ideal reader.

The aim of this study has been to investigate Swedish youth?s conceptions about pornography and sexuality through a gender and power perspective. The questions of issue were the following: 1. Does youth reflect about gender and sexuality concerning pornography? a) Does any norms appear concerning consumption of pornography and sexuality?b) Is any kind of power structure related to gender recognized concerning pornography? c) Does youth think that pornography effects the conception of gender and sexuality? If so, how?2. Are there any differences between how girls and boys reflect about the questions of issue above?The used research method has been qualitative individual semi-structured interviews with eight students totally, four girls and four boys, all in the ages of 16-18. The study has a hermeneutical and abductive approach.The result shows that the respondents recognize both positive and negative influences from pornography.

International media groups and the freedom of speech are two issues that have been questioned during the last years when large media groups control a large amount of public-oriented information. The masters thesis at hand considers three debates that illuminate Bonniers and AB Mariebergs hereinafter referred to as the Bonnier Media Group positions on the media market. The objective of such a study is to establish in the face of the theory on hegemonia, for example from which factors the media actors deduce their argumentation when discussing the above-mentioned topic and the meaning of such a discussion in our time. The thesis also discusses whether freedom of speech and free opinion are affected by the increasing power of the Bonnier Media Group and if they, as a result, have diminished their own cultural and liberal assets, features that are firmly associated with the company. I conclude that various features have come to change the media market during the last years.