?African Solutions to African Problems? är en av Afrikanska Unionens nya ledord. Denna vilja om att ta mer ansvar för den afrikanska kontinenten och kunna agera som en säkerhetsaktör har resulterat i en ny säkerhetsdoktrin. För att kunna agera som aktör på den internationella arenan krävs att vissa förutsättningar existerar enligt en modell framtagen av Gunnar Sjöstedt. Dessa strukturella och institutionella förutsättningar kommer i denna studie att undersökas för att analysera huruvida AU kan agera som säkerhetsaktör.

When it comes to political representation, all over the world women almost always make up a minority of representatives in the legislative bodies. The Scandinavian countries in general and Sweden in particular have though been exceptions to this rule with, when compared to other countries, a rather high percentage of women in elected positions. This development took off in the seventies: during that decade the unit percentage of women in the Swedish Riksdag rose by double!The aim for this thesis is to analyse what underlying ideas influenced this advance. The focus is on three different female party federations, who are believed to have had a great impact on this increase of women politicians through their influence in their own mother parties. The federations analysed are the ones connected to the Social Democratic Party, the Centre Party and the Liberal party.

This essay analyses text written by a gender equality movement critical of feminism. Themovement is active on the Internet and through this essay I would like to show the tensions in contemporary political debates on gender equality and feminism. 350 blogposts have been deconstructed through discourse theoretical method. In the analyses I have shown the discursive struggle that is going on within the movement in giving meaning to concepts as knowledge, society, gender, politics, feminism and gender equality. The movement is using the technical potential in blogs and common Internet forums tocreate a common political we.

Ungdom, lärdom och mandom under 1800-talets andra hälft och långt in på 1900-talet innebar att landets manliga skolelever, från 1863, ålades att i den ordinarie skolan delta, inte bara i gymnastik, utan också i militära vapenövningar. Drivkraften för detta var dels de nationalistiska strömningar som var starka under denna period, dels det manlighetsideal som då också rådde och som innebar att mannen beskyddar, kvinnor och barn blir beskyddade.Vapenövningar för skolungdom hade startat långt innan år 1863 i vissa skolor. Först ut i landet var Linköpings högra allmänna läroverk, där redan år 1834 undervisades i ?krigskonstens första grunder?. Andra orter med skolor som tidigt började med vapenövningar var Göteborg, Karlstad, Uddevalla och Örebro.För att understöja de militära vapenövningarna i Stockholms folkskolor bildades 1868 i Stockholm FBSV (Föreningen för befrämjandet av skolungdomens vapenövningar).

Smuggling av alkohol är illegal verksamhet i Sverige och ett stort problem som sett till det senaste året har ökat oroväckande bland privatpersoner. Detta kan bland annat vara en följd av landets höga alkoholskatter och den höga avkastning denna brottsliga verksamhet ger. Alkoholsmugglingen är ett uppmärksammat problem i media och andra offentliga forum. Svenskarnas alkoholkonsumtion har ökat avsevärt och i paritet med det även vålds-brottsligheten. Kan detta ha ett samband? Informationen som ligger till grund för rapporten är hämtad från olika Internetsidor samt en telefonintervju med Sune Rydén på Tullverket.

Avhandlingen ?En jämförelse mellan Wittgenstein och Rorty?, syftar till att ge ett svar på frågan om Richard Rorty har rätt att hänvisa till Ludwig Wittgensteins filosofi som överensstämmande med sin egen filosofi, nypragmatismen. En analys av texter från de båda filosoferna visar att de skiljer sig ifråga om vad filosofi är genom att Rortys åsikt grundas på ett historicistiskt och allmänvetenskapligt synsätt medan Wittgensteins är av filosofisk art; deras åsikter om vad filosofin borde vara genom att Rorty vill ha en friare filosofi med betoning på diskussion medan Wittgenstein menar att filosofin även i framtiden kommer att syssla med samma problem som de gamla grekerna; deras åsikter om filosofins värde genom att Rorty anser att filosofin har ett värde som vägledare och diskussionsform medan Wittgenstein endast tillskriver filosofin ett värde som en terapi för att klarlägga olika frågor. En ytterligare analys visar att frågeställningarna är två; är Wittgenstein pragmatist och är han politiskt liberal? Det svar som ges är att Wittgenstein inte är pragmatist i Rortys mening och att det inte finns några belägg för hans liberalism och att dessa tolkningar från Rorty endast beror på att han missförstått Wittgenstein på dessa punkter.

This essay presents an example of the musical life of a female composer active in Sweden during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Through a case study on composer Sara Wennerberg-Reuter (1875-1959), the essay contributes information to her biography, which had been lacking specific details.Wennerberg-Reuter's biography has been discussed regarding traditional roles of women in music, her relationship to her own artistry and other active women composers, and finally the contemporary reception of Wennerberg-Reuter as a legitimate composer. Aesthetical theories prevalent during Wennerberg-Reuter?s life has been applied in these discussions, such as those presented by Citron, Öhrström and Hanson, combined with Citron's additional theories considering masculine/feminine elements in the musical approach.The main conclusions reached regarding the specific conditions enabling a professional status as a composer and woman in Sweden during the given time are;a) the liberal permission by the family to pursue higher education in composing, since this was in opposition to the traditions of the time.b) the access to a network of musically active women, from which a sense of being part of a female community can be created.c) the acceptance from musical institutions such as higher educations, composer's societies and media critics..

Ska människor ses som individer eller ska dem ses som grupper? Denna fråga har varit omtvistad gällande rättigheter och är skiljelinjen mellan liberal och kommunitär teori. När det gäller minoriteters rättigheter har de ofta fallit mellan dessa två tankegångar och det har visat sig att ingendera har lyckats respektera dessa människors rätt på ett tillfredsställande sätt. Ursprungsbefolkningar har därför fått leva förtryckta, förföljda, diskriminerade, marginaliserade och har upplevt allt ifrån deportationer till regelrätta massaker. Som ett försök till att skapa rättvisa förhållanden har FN etablerat organet ILO, som i sin tur utvecklat en konvention för ursprungsbefolkningars rättigheter nämligen ILO 169.

The purpose of this study is to focus on library service for children in a hospital, which in turn is seen in relation to a traditional children s library. Four aspects of library work were investigated. These aspects were working methods, partners of co-operation for the libraries, media policy (acquisition, use of the collection and circulation procedures), as well as programme activities for children.The research method was qualitative and comparative in nature, consisting of case studies of two libraries : (1) the library in a children s hospital, known as Bokskogen at Astrid Lindgren s children s hospital in Stockholm and (2) a traditional children s library, the children s department at Eslövs city library. In each library interviews were conducted. The investigation shows that the librarians in the hospital library must be more outreaching and active in order to stimulate children to use library materials.

The subject-matter of the following essay is to investigate the relationship between what is commonly called Deep Ecology or Biocentric Philosophy, as articulated by the co-founder of the Deep Ecology Movement, Arne Naess, and later proponents of the biocentric school of environmentalist thought. I contrast Naess? concept of Self-realization as founded in his Ecosophy T to the ideas of american conservationist and co-founder of the radical green movement Earth First! Dave Foreman, and to the controversial finnish environmentalist and ecofascist Pentti Linkola?s ideological agenda of population-reduction respectively.According to some critics of the movement, especially the social ecologist Murray Bookchin and French liberal philosopher Luc Ferry, the Deep Ecology ideology is essentially misanthropic and totalitarian in structure. A central idea among deep ecologists is that ecosystems and natural entities have intrinsic value in themselves, even outside a human social context. This idea is thought of among deep ecologists to create a philosophically sound basis for counteracting the environmental global crisis.

This is a reception study on how the idea of Paneuropa, as launched by the austrian count Richard Nikolaus Coudenhove-Kalergi in 1923, was received by the political weekly magazine Tidevarvet, a product of ? and an opinion forming organ for ? the social liberal wing of the Swedish suffrage- and peace movements. The main purpose is to examine to what extent there was an existent Europeanism in the public debate in Sweden during the interwar period, and how that discourse was constructed through the conceptual pairings disruption/unity and parts/whole. The study is conducted mainly through discourse analysis, combined with partly new research into sources such as the parliament, the newspapers and civil society to try to initiate a mapping over the wider reception of the Paneuropa project in a Swedish context. The study finds that the subject of Paneuropa is present throughout the almost entire period of the publication, namely 1924?1936, and that the question of a federal Europe is closely connected to the pacifist attitude of the editorial staff in general and writer/editor Elin W?gner in particular.

During the 90?s, several reforms took place in order to change the educational system. The reforms intended to increase the freedom of choice and to facilitate the start-up process for driving independent schools. A broad alliance of political parties from left to right supported these reforms. Twenty years later, the independent schools constitute a substantial part of schools in Sweden.

This thesis aim to investigate the living conditions among marginalized habitants of suburbs in the Swedish welfare state. To approach an understanding of the complexity of marginalized urban areas, this thesis focus on studying the Stockholm suburb Husby in a context of the May riots 2013.The research method used is qualitative interviews with seven informants, who have a connection to the Husby area.The theories applied to the empirical material is Gösta Esping-Andersens theory on welfare state regimes and Loïc Wacquants theory on advanced marginality, also known as ?The new urban poverty?.By observing the complexity of the Husby riots in a contextual aspect of the Swedish welfare state and the living situation in Husby, the analysis has shown that the Swedish welfare model is going through a changing process. This process means a shift from a social democratic welfare model towards a more liberal regime, with an increased privatization of public welfare and a focus on individual responsibility regarding the citizens own living conditions. Husby as an area is characterized by a low socioeconomic status, a high level of unemployment and poor school results.

In light of the massive property bubbles that have been bursting in the USA, Spain and Ireland during the last decade, the aim of this thesis is to clarify whether ? or to what degree - the municipality of Stockholm might experience a property bubble in the near future. The municipality of Stockholm is undergoing a housing shortage and house prices have risen during the last few years. Neoliberalism and property bubbles are used as a theoretical framework in this paper. The methodology consist of semi structured interviews, analysis of documents and statistical data from Eurostat, Valueguard and the Swedish administrative authority; Statistiska centralbyrån (SCB).

?Claiming the right to space? is an argument frequently used by street artists for justifying illegal art in the public space. The public city space as a room of democracy and right to free speech is by some people considered threatened by commercial interests, and street art has become a way to demonstrate disapproval towards this. Street art is illegal and often anonymously performed in our cities. It developed in the late 1970s from the urban graffiti scene in America, and has therefore a lot in common with the graffiti movement.