The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the democratization process in Kurdistan on the basis of consolidation democracy with focus on arenas defined by Linz and Stepan (1997), namely economic, political, legal, civil society and arenas of state bureaucracy. Furthermore, I intend to explain Kurdistan?s road toward democratization in Kurdistan from 1991 until today, with a focus on the years 2003-2012. The main results are that Kurdistan has developed conditions that support a future consolidation of democracy. However, there are weaknesses in the economic situation, rule of law and the arena of bureaucracy.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att påvisa de likheter som finns mellan det kommunistiska KPML(r)/RKU och det nazistiska NSF i deras kritik mot den representativa demokratin. Uppsatsen bygger på en komparativ ideologianalys. materialet består av artiklar, rapporter och partiprogram som publicerats på Internet. I teoriavsnittet stödjer jag mig på Dahls och Lipsets problematiseringar av fenomenet demokrati- extremism och relationen mellan olika typer av extremism. Undersökningen visar att de nutida "vänster"- och "högerextremisterna" har mer gemensamt än vad som kan anas.

The Swedish integration policy acts upon that all citizen should have equal rights and possibilities no matter ethnic and cultural background. In today's Sweden it is more or less a self-evident that immigrants ought to prepare the possibility to preserve their original cultural distinctive character according to the Governments Proposition 1997/98:16. Simultaneously the term integration and its actual meaning and its political significance are not always clear.Immigrants as a categorization are often overloaded with negative overtone and risk to seem discriminated. The category reinforces also a ?we? and ?them? thinking.

Ever since its conceptual birth, the questioning of consequences due to the implementation of ideas from the reformation doctrine, called New Public Management, has been a common occurance among those who have dedicated themselves to research in superior methods of Public Administration. What this thesis aims to do is shed light upon what value-conflicts may occur within public administration organisations when they begin to idealize the rationalization of economic issues. The goal of this thesis will be fulfilled through the creation of two ideal types of public administration that exist in opposition to each other. These two ideal types will show two different views on how decision-making and organisation will be managed in their respective sectors. By doing this, there will be clarification as to what conflicting values arise with the implementation of ideas taken from New Public Management, as well as defining the fundamental difference between which ethical decision model is used..

The purpose of this thesis is to critically investigate how to understand the regional transformations that are occurring in Sweden and Denmark. At a higher level of abstraction the results can be generalised to a wider context and I have found that there is an ideological hegemony that explains the regional transformation. Nation states are reterritorialising due to a changing world where global capital is becoming increasingly flexible and competition between states, regions and municipalities is needed to adjust. By using Sandberg's model of structural reforms I have shown that the differences between Sweden's and Denmark's reterritorialisation are due to differences in national political culture and existing administrative systems. In fact these two structural reforms are based on the same regionalist ideology as a reaction to the changing global economy.To investigate the regional transformations I have carried out an idea and ideology analysis on the recent Swedish proposal from Ansvarskommittén, Strukturkommissionen in Denmark and the proposal by the Danish government which was carried out in 2007.

Since the 1980's economic policies has become an important issue in municipalities and more resources are put into projects that are intended to have a positive influence on the local economic growth. From a theoretical perspective of regime theory and a model of local political economy, concerning the strategies chosen by the actors involved designed by Jon Pierre, the discussion points to the fact that it is possible to affect the local development. The municipalities discussed and compared in this thesis, Bromölla and Östra Göinge, have similar prerequisite for growth mainly due to their dependence to large industrial companies.In order to fulfill the aim of the thesis and examine the change in economic policies over time and between the two municipalities a comparative method is used. The creation of local governing coalitions is emphasized which makes efforts and intentions of individual actors crucial for the success of the local economic policies. Bromölla started their more active efforts in the area of economic policies earlier than Östra Göinge and has also come a bit further in the process.

ABSTRACTThis thesis focuses on the OPEC oil crisis of 1973 and its impact on the Scandinavian countries of Sweden and Denmark. Starting from Walter Carlsnaes theory of energy vulnerability, the concepts of vulnerability and national security are tested on the selected cases and an array of policy alternatives are assessed. Posited available options like oil stockpiling, conservation, renewable energy and international coordination are evaluated as means for ameliorating the vulnerability of the nations. The theory chosen is further expounded with a consensus element to reinforce its explanatory power. The thesis utilizes a wide range of material from parliamentary records to daily newspapers in an attempt to shed some light on the interplay between economics and politics.Sweden and Denmark evince diverging developments despite their common starting point with exceptionally high oil dependencies and can be located on different ends of the energy policy gamut.

Marks do not only work as an acknowledge of the effort that has been made under a long period of time, but also as a receipt for eligibility to further studies. Within the political debate, marks have often caused a big discussion among the political parties. That is due to the obvious difference between the political parties on the left, and their counterparts on the right. However, there is one thing that they all have in common. Everyone of them have plans of measure within their political agenda, regarding the use of marks.The aim of this study has been to try to understand the way pupils think about marks.

I denna uppsats så tar vi upp frågan om individuell lönesättning för domare. Detta blev nyligen implementerat för Sveriges domare på initiativ av Domstolsverket. Frågan blev en konflikt då domarna ansåg att det var ett hot mot deras självständighet i den dömande verksamheten då individuell lönesättning skulle kunna vara ett verktyg för styrning. Vi har intervjuat domare och Domstolsverket och vi har gjort en argumentationsanalys av det som skrivits om frågan och jämfört parternas argumentation. Vi har även belyst frågan genom att använda Lennart Lundquists teori om demokratins väktare samt ett ramverk utvecklat av Björn Johnson om policyöversättning.

The ambition of this study is to examine the discussion surrounding the Swedish participation in the European security- and defence policy. By forming feasible areas of arguments the goal is to gain further comprehension in the case of Sweden. These arguments are formed in close relation to the empirical sources; With less public funding there are economic aspects of cooperation, this could also be related to Swedish the industry of defence systems; A high level of participation in the UN is a tradition in Swedish foreign policy, the European battle groups are the perfect tool to further strengthen the UN ability in conflict management and peace keeping missions; Outside the EMU Sweden could face the political margin, to retain influence a high level of activity ought to occur in the integration process; Finally, the future position of United States and NATO is not clear, Europe needs an capacity apart the US to contribute to lasting peace and stability. The arguments are close related to each other, but the main argument is to through ESDP create a tool that will strengthen UN, there is also a wide range of economic arguments related to the industry..

Regimen i Iran är i denna stund utsatt för stor press från USA och EU3 som vill få regimen att avbryta dess kärnteknikprogram. USA hävdar tillsammans med de europeiska stormakterna att det iranska kärnteknikprogrammet inte har fredliga syften, istället menar de att det används som kamouflage för att utveckla kärnvapen. Iran menar att påståendena är osanna och att landet är i behov av kärnenergi i takt med att deras befolkning snabbt expanderar. Syftet med vår uppsats är att bringa klarhet kring problematiken. Därför fokuserar vi på att undersöka Irans motiv för respektive emot ett anskaffande av kärnvapen.

År 1980 startade Iran-Irak kriget som pågick i åtta år. Kriget utspelade sig mellan två starka makter i Mellanöstern. Jag har undersökt varför kriget kunde pågå så länge och koncentrerat mig på medlingens roll i att avsluta en konflikt.Under arbetet har jag diskuterat tre anledningar till varför medlingsförsöken i Iran-Irak kriget misslyckades. FN:s svaga handlingar, de konservativa mullornas utnyttjande av kriget och slutligen supermakternas ingripande i kriget är de orsaker jag funnit som svar. För att analysera konflikten och komma fram till mitt resultat har jag använt mig av teorier om medling.Resultatet i arbetet kan användas för att ge en inblick och förklaring till dagsläget i Iran och Irak och Mellanöstern i stort.

The purposes of this thesis is study the European Court of Justice from a non legal perspective and investigate the courts possibility to advance its own preferred goals rather that of the member states in cases of non-compliance. Drawing on general principal-agent theory I construct a model from which I derive certain hypothesis mainly about under what circumstances we should expect the Court to be more sensitive to member states preferences and under what circumstances we should expect the Court to be less sensitive. These hypotheses are then tested empirically against all cases of non-compliance initiated by the European Commission against member states between 1953-2000. The results from the study are rather positive. The most important result is that when the threat of sanctions against the Court increases so does the Courts sensitiveness to member states preferences and when it decreases so does the Courts sensitiveness..

The subject this thesis will investigate concerns the matter of how political ideologies exist within public libraries with a focus on the democratic ideal. Public libraries are part of the political system and we want to show how political ideologies take their shape in public libraries and the possible consequences of this. With the help of three major political ideologies, liberalism, conservatism and socialism we investigate how the democratic ideals of these ideologies are expressed in documents that describes activities the libraries will and have performed. In order to identify these ideologies we use discourses in cultural policy as a bridge between the investigated documents and the political ideologies. As an analytical tool we have developed a model that describes the relation between text, discourse and ideology which we use in our analysis.

IIUniversity of KalmarSchool of Human SciencesPolitical ScienceTitle ? Jag förstår inte varför svenska manliga politiker är så rädda för de kvinnligapolitikerna?Author: Git Franzen Ekström  IIUniversity of KalmarSchool of Human SciencesPolitical ScienceTitle ? Jag förstår inte varför svenska manliga politiker är så rädda för de kvinnligapolitikerna?Author: Git Franzen EkströmAbstractIn the year of 2007, Sweden was the most equal country in the world, and the Philippines wasranked as number six of 128 countries, by the organization World Economic Forum. Thisthesis is a study of female politicians and power in Sweden and in the Philippines. Do thefemale politicians perceive that they have just as much power as the males have? I haveinterviewed 18 female politicians in a small city in Sweden, and 12 female politicians in thelocal and provincial politic in the Philippines.