Maffian ? ett sedan många år tillbaka djuprotat och inflytelserikt brottssyndikat i Italien ? har under årens lopp spridit skräck bland allmänheten. Genom att mörda statliga representanter såsom åklagare, domare och poliser samt muta politiker och tjänstemän, har Maffian placerat sig högt upp i den italienska samhällshierarkin. Maffian ser sig idag som ett fullfjädrat alternativ till den statliga makten.Vi har gjort en fallstudie över Maffian i södra Italien i syfte att belysa hur denna kriminella organisation och dess allierade har påverkat demokratin och det sociala kapitalet i landet. Genom teorier om att italiens maffiarelaterade verksamhet leder till fördärv av demokratin, har vi kommit fram till att ett flertal demokratiska principer och instanser såsom exempelvis majoritetsprincipen och rättssystemet har tagit skada och urholkats.

Uppsasten vill ge svar på vilka förutsättningar som måste anses uppfyllda för att ett varumärke skall erhålla skydd genom inarbetning. Dessa förutsättningar har beskrivits med utgångspunkt i 2§ 3st VmL. Fokus i uppsatsen har även legat på marknadundersökningens roll vid fastställande av inarbetning. Där har en intervju genomförts med en representant från Stokholms handelskammares varumärkesnämnd. Varumärkesnämnden låter olika undersökningsföretag utföra diverse marknadsundersökningar.

AbstractDet övergripande syftet med uppsatsen är att förstå varför det förekommit problem med färdtjänsten i Lund sedan seklets början. Vi undersöker dels vad det innebär att styra färdtjänsten med kontrakt och dels beställarkompetensen hos tekniska förvaltningen i Lund. Våra resultat visar på att styrformen i sig inte behöver orsaka problem, men att det troligen spelar in i detta fall eftersom förvaltningen inte haft tillräcklig beställarkompetens för att minska vissa transaktionskostnader av kontraktsstyrningen. Det finns även vissa indikationer på att utvecklingen av förtroende mellan aktörerna missgynnats av turbulensen under de första åren på seklet. Förvaltningen rekommenderas utveckla en mer omfattande beställandekompetens genom systematiska utvärderingar..

In December 2004 an earthquake coursed waves that hit Thailand. Over 5000 people died, and Sweden was the tourist country that has been effected the worst. The catastrophe precipitated Sweden in crises and the demand became high for Swedish government to act. Swedes followed the development via media, why media became the crucial element for how the public perceived politicians? acting.

This study aims to investigate the origin and the development of a certain type of decision phenomena, namely political decision chains. A political decision chain is defined as a seemingly rational decision being made, that is reverted through a new decision and this for other reasons than the original decision being regarded as having fulfilled its intended purpose. The essay attempts to explain the occurrence of these decision chains through a case study in order to thoroughly examine the complexities that surround political decisions overall. The essay concludes that uncontrollable factors and chance to a large extent affect the origin of these chains, allowing actors to change the political agenda according to their preferences. The relative weighting of these factors that is made by the actors, which exist within the decision chain, makes them underestimate the relative power of other actors that may have different preferences.

This thesis examines the relationship between OECD-DAC and Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) within an aid efficiency context. The ability for these two actors to cooperate is highly important and determines the outcome for a major part of the development aid in the new millennium. The development agenda for the new millennium emphasizes aid efficiency as a key to a more successful aid, and this requires increased cooperation between all actors. The analysis made is a discourse analysis. The discourse of aid efficiency is analyzed, both its preconditions and results.The analyze finds out that there is a gap between OECD-DAC and CSOs in terms of how to handle aid efficiency.

This thesis examines the Swedish labour market with a focus on the immigrant part off the population. There are big differences between the immigrant and particular non-European immigrant part off the population and native Swedes. In the first part off this thesis I will show that immigrants in Sweden have a higher rate of unemployment, lower rate off employment, lower wage incomes, higher risk off unemployment and are overrepresented in low skilled, low status jobs. Even when controlling for different factors such as education level, knowledge in the Swedish language, age etc. a big gap remains.

This thesis is seeking to explain why policy change come about. This is done by applying a part of Karin Lindgrens dissertation Vad styr ledaren?. The research evolves around the term pressure and the hypothesis are that policy change come about when there is middle range pressure on the decision-maker. Low and high pressure results in no or small policy change.The thesis is done as a case study where the economic crisis in Thailand 1996-1999 makes my case.

The purpose of this study was to compare Glasgow/ Scotland and Malmö/ Sweden concerning their efforts towards youth unemployment, in sense of the social policy related to the organization. We have particularly concentrated on; the direct and indirect political strategies for young unemployed; what specific efforts that are provided on a local level; finding explanations to the design of these efforts and describing the development of youth unemployment and labour market- policies in each country. We have based our study on literature studies and six qualitative interviews conducted with representatives from different organizations and the municipality in Glasgow and Malmö. The outcome of our essay showed some differences in the political strategies. Scotland work closer to the employers and labour market compared to Sweden whose policy more promotes education.

Denna uppsats behandlar frågan: Hur bör det amerikanska kampanjfinansieringssystemet till val av president reformeras - mot ett system som fokuserar på frihet eller ett system som fokuserar på rättvisa? Som frågeställningen vittnar om är uppsatsen skriven ur ett normativt analysperspektiv där de klassiska värdena frihet och rättvisa i kombination med insamlad data om amerikansk kampanjfinansiering mynnar ut i en analys. Två alternativa väga presenteras, antingen att släppa systemet fritt eller att öka kontrollen för att minska skillnaderna som finns. Argumentationen ger en bild av hur annorlunda systemet skulle kunna se ut givet en förändring. Resultatet påvisar att det amerikanska systemet hade gynnats av att röra sig mot en mer rättvis och kontrollerad finansieringsstruktur.

Political disenchantment and detachment is proven to be growing in well established democracies. This development brings along concerning behavior regarding general political participation. Fewer citizens participate in elections, parties are losing members, and the trust in politicians is steadily decreasing. IDEA (Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance) has been registering voter turnout worldwide for the last 60 years and their publications show a decline in voter participation since the 1980s.During the same period of time another development has caught attention, namely the fast progress of the medium Internet. The new generation of Internet functions is called Web 2.0 and allows users not only to create content, but also to interact with each other.This dissertation aims to explore the possibilities emerging when integrating Web 2.0 in political processes.

In my thesis, I set out to study academic peer reviews in the hope of clarifying the experts? views on what qualities and qualifications are desirable when appointing or promoting scholars within History of Science. I also investigate whether or not these views change over the years, as I have studied opinions written between 1980 and 2010. I use a qualitative method of analysis, in which I study what words in the peer reviews are used to describe certain values, and how these words relate to the historical and political background of History of Science in Sweden. My research indicates that academic experts are starting to adapt their opinions to the change in educational politics that has taken place during the second half of the 20th century.

The theory of deliberative democracy believes in collective decision-making to achieve an expanded legitimacy and rationality in the political process. It is argued that those good public dialogues best take places in public spheres between citizens, where the common interest is carefully thought about. This thesis was done with the assumption that theatre can strengthen the idea of the public sphere and create a meeting place in the civil society, where a good public dialogue can appear. To create a good public dialogue you need citizens that are corresponding and participatory. Citizens who participate in the political process develop an increased knowledge about the society and the more knowledge about the society the larger reason to participate.

Our thesis is a single-case study in which we try to answer the question: Why didn?t the lobbygroup Eurogroup for Animals get enough support for their demands in the latest regulation regarding transport of animals? As an example of their cooperation with their memberorganisations, we have chosen the Swedish organisation Djurens Rätt. Through interviews with key-persons involved in the process and with the use of Jeremy Richardson's theory regarding lobbying in the EU, we found that there were many different factors that effected Eurogroup for Animals chances to get an animal friendly legislation. For example by setting too ambitious demands Eurogroup for Animals wasn?t considered to be a serious actor during the legislation process.

Sedan 2002 har kommuner runt om i landet infört medborgarförslag med syfte att öka delaktigheten och dialogen mellan medborgarna och kommunen. Detta är ett projekt som prövar att införa deltagardemokratiska inslag inom ramen för den representativa demokratin.Uppsatsen bygger på en jämförelse vi gjort mellan Lund och Kristianstad kommun med avseende på hur väl dessa lyckats med införandet av medborgarförslag och vad som detta resulterat i. Materialet som vi använt oss av är framförallt de medborgarförslag som inkommit till de båda kommunerna men även intervjuer och relaterad litteratur. Vår slutsats är att det i båda kommunerna finns ett grundläggande problem när det gäller sammansättningen av de som deltar men även att kommunerna lyckats olika väl när det gäller uppslutningen och informationen kring medborgarförslag..