1975 besökte Olof Palme med en delegation den kommunistiska diktaturen Kuba där han uttalade sig positivt om landets utveckling. Dessutom betonades vänskapen mellan länderna. Vilka faktorer låg bakom statsministern agerande? Analysen har utgått från system-, stats- och individnivå, där en addition av dessa tre nivåer lett oss fram till våra resultat.Vid en analys av Olof Palmes belief systems visar det sig att han blev demokratisk socialist genom sina resor till Nordamerika och Asien, där ett kolonialt förtryck pågick. När Vietnamkriget blossade upp såg Palme ett liknande förtryck från en stor stat mot en liten stat, på samma sätt som USA var mot Kuba, men bortsåg från förtrycket som regimen utövade.

The aim of this essay is to study the decision making process and implementation of the principle of political participation and influence for Roma minority in Sweden. The results regarding the decision making process is structured through a discourse influenced policy analyses. Problem picture and recommended measures in the political documents representing the decision making process are analysed through theories of minority rights and equality. The implementation is seen through, by the author given minority discourse and the work in the roma council and analysed by the same theories already mentioned.The results show that regarding the decision process the aim of art.15 in the framework convention is based on the idea of equality while the Swedish documents relates more to an idea of the right to speak for the group. Regarding recommended measures, the framework convention gives several recommendations on specific measures for political participation while the Swedish documents focuses on the general politics of the state.

The local politicians in Sweden are responsible for a great deal of the welfare system why one would assume that there are a lot of demands put on them - demands for certain skills or a certain level of competence. I have in this study tried to find out how the demands on the local representatives concerning the demands for competence and the actual level of competence among the politicians are affecting the local politics. This was done through investigating how the local politicians are perceiving their level of competence and the demands put on them, but also how the employees are perceiving the demands and the level of competence put on the politicians. The study was made in the municipality of Gislaved in Southern Sweden. I was using both quantitative method (an opinion poll among the politicians and employees in the municipality) and qualitative method (interviews with three politicians and three employees and literature studies).In order to investigate the demands for competence I split the concept into ?soft? competence (socially and emotionally based skills), and ?hard? competence (skills based on knowledge, education and experience).

Den här rapporten har som syfte att utreda vilket eldistributionssystem för offshoreenheter som sparar mest vikt och utrymme. De två elsystem som jämförs är GVAs standard system och Siemens Blue Drive System. Rapporten innehåller en teoretisk bakgrund för båda systemen och dimensionering av systemens kraftkablar samt beräkning av kabelvikter och komponentvikten för systemen. För att uppskatta kabel- rutter och längder kommer ritningsunderlag för GVAs offshoreenhet 7500 att användas.Resultatet visar att GVAs standard system är det eldistributionssystem som har den lägsta totalvikten med 168 ton, GVAs standard system har en vikt som är 101 ton lägre än Siemens Blue Drive System som har en vikt på är 269 ton. GVAs standard system har en lägre ström vilket gör att ledararean blir mindre och i med det blir kabelvikten mindre.

In the beginning of this century United Nations expressed their concern about the lack of female participation in politics through a number of resolutions and conventions. To ensure sustainable development and democracy, United Nations argued the importance of women?s participation in every level of politics within a state.Burma is a country that is in the middle of an ongoing democratization process and women are not considered to participate in this process. The purpose of this thesis is therefore to analyze the experience of politically involved Burmese women in their political participation progress.This study has been realized through semi-structured interviews with nine Burmese women, in both Thailand and Burma. The questions that have been asked are about what societal and cultural barriers women meet when they are, or want to be, political involved, both from the society and within their own political organizations.

The energy sector is facing an impending paradigm shift. Today?s technology enables the end-user to generate their own energy locally at home. Furthermore, recently developed storage technologies make it possible to balance energy demand with stored energy and integrate district heating with the local power grid. This means that in the future heat and electric power will interact and energy flows is converted over energy boundaries.

The Swedish public inquiries and most of the political science advocate reforms in the spirit of participatory democracy to strengthen the democracy. Although it is striking how limited and narrow the scientific documentation is in analysing the effects of participatory democratic reforms. Still, many of the local governments in Sweden are reshaping their organisations according to the participatory democracy model. Is it a trend and a symbolic action or a veritable action of good-will of the politicians?The paper argues that the idea of participatory democracy has become popular and widely spread.

Konflikterna i Somalia respektive Darfur (Sudan) är två av likartad karaktär men med olikautfall, i den tidigare initierades och genomfördes en intervention medan i den senare har ensådan uteblivit. I fallet Somalia tog det inte lång tid innan FN med USA i spetsen hade tagitplats i landet med avsikt att få till stånd ett slut på den interna konflikten. Fallet Darfur är avlikartad karaktär där hundratusentals människor redan mist livet och än fler drivits på flyktmen till skillnad från Somaliakonflikten har ingen intervention ännu initierats. Med bakgrundoch en historisk överblick till konflikternas start görs ett försök att analysera de båda utfallen.För att förstå situationerna använder vi oss av fem olika förklaringsvariabler,aktörsperspektiv, system, media, suveränitet och intressen. De olika förklaringsvariablerna gertillsammans en sammansatt bild av vilka faktorer som spelar en avgörande roll i huruvida enintervention har goda eller mindre bra förutsättningar att bli ett faktum.

Ett nytt globalt system, inte nytt i tiden, dock i omfattning och påverkan, håller på att förändra maktordningen och de politiska relationerna så som vi känner dem. Detta innebär bland annat att ansvarsfördelningen mellan offentliga och privata aktörer blir mer oklar och tar nya former. Begreppet Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) syftar på det etiska ansvar företag bör ta för sin verksamhet, såväl inom den egna organisationen som i det omgivande samhället. Den frågeställning den här uppsatsen söker besvara gäller varför CSR blivit en allt viktigare del av företagens policy? Uppsatsens fokus ligger på globaliseringsteori och slutsatsen blir att förklaringarna till CSR kan delas in i såväl etiska och praktiska, som kosmopolitiska.

Syftet med studien har varit att kartlägga varför de nordiska staterna Sverige, Norge och Danmark har valt olika ställningstaganden i Irakkonflikten. Studien är en komparativ undersökning som besvarar frågorna om vilka bakomliggande faktorer som påverkat ställningstagandena. I undersökningen av dessa har fem variabler med förankring i de teoretiska utgångspunkterna; system- och statsnivå studerats. Följande variabler har studerats: FN, EU, NATO, Inrikespolitiska förhållanden och Beslut till krig.Sverige och Norge hävdade att invasionen inte hade en folkrättslig förankring. Synen på FN som garant för små staters suveränitet och strävan efter multilaterala överenskommelser var vägledande för beslutet.

The purpose of this essay is to do an ecocritical reading of Vilhelm Moberg?s The Emi-grants from 1949. By asking and answering the three following questions; How does a system present itself, What are the different reasons for emigration; Why does differentsystem fit some well and some not.By using two articles from Green Planets - Ecology and Science Fiction to illus-trate two different views; Different parts value in an ekosystem and The Ship as an ecosystem. I have also created, based on the literary text four different terms concern-ing the dynamic system; Stable, Static, Unstable and Collapsing systems. I have found that all system goes through changes, some drastic, that changes the way the parts of the systems fit with in it.

This paper concerns the divide between secularist and anti-secularist groups in Turkey, which is related to a greater antagonism between a Kemalist and an Islamic political discourse, dominant in Turkish politics since the 1980s. The main aim of the paper is to analyse the causes of the conflict using the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe. The second aim is to analyse the contents of each discourse and identify the main points of conflict between them. The empirical material used in the study consists exclusively of secondary sources treating the topic, and these are analysed using the theory of identity conflicts, which is part of Laclau and Mouffe's theory. It will be argued that the attempts of Kemalism to impose strict secularism by hegemonising the concepts of ?modernity? and ?Islam? led to the creation of an alternative political discourse based on political Islam.

This Thesis aims to explore how to integrate an IT-system for facilitating anorganizations work with Continous Impprovements.This is done here by examining and analyzing the process within a handful ofcompanies who seem to have been successful with their own implementations. Thestudy is focused on the implementation of one particular system, "System C2".Simliarities and differences between the companies, and the established rule of thumbfor these kind of activities are focused upon. This to emphasis how another actormight emulate some of the apparent success.Part of the core question is found in the title, since Continous Improvement is oftenseen as a relativly low-risk activity, is it then also possible to take a low-risk slow pathto the implementation of such a system in the entire organization?.

 The purpose of this essay is to study the republican and socialist Northern Ireland political party Sinn Féin and to examine its legitimacy in the eyes of the citizens of Northern Ireland. Is it possible to have a political agenda that includes violence and still maintain legitimacy? The Irish Republican Army?s (IRA) military struggle was for a long time a part of the party?s political agenda. This strategy has been described as to have a ballot paper in one hand and an Armalite in the other, and successfully made Sinn Féin one of the province?s largest political parties.

Title: Images of Sweden in ItalyNumber of pages: 5252 (589 including enclosures)Author: Oskar GustafssonTutor: Martin NilssonCourse: Political Science C level ? Bachelor?s ThesisPeriod: Spring term 2010University: School of Social SciencesLinnaeus UniversityPurpose/Aim: The purpose of my research study is to, through the use of political science theories on soft power and marketing theories about nation branding and in comparison to previous studies on the image of Sweden in Italy, gains a better understanding of the image of Sweden in Italy, with special focus on national political institutions and young Italians.Method: The method of analysis is a combination of qualitative methods: interviews where information about the image of Sweden amongst national political institutions were gathered and a survey where information was gathered about the image of Sweden amongst young Italians.Main results: On the basis of the results I have gained it can be concluded that a positive and well informed image of Sweden emerges when it comes to cultural and social factors but a more restricted and somewhat negative image come to light when asking national political institutions and young citizens in Italy about their views and knowledge on Swedish domestic and international politics and economics.Keywords: Soft power, Public Diplomacy, Nation Branding, Images of Sweden, Italy..