The Saami, a Nordic indigenous people scattered over four countries, has for centuries been regarded as parts of the national populations of the countries in which they live. During the 19th century saami demands for greater influence resulted en several changes, among them the founding of a Swedish Saami Council in 1993. The council became a popularly elected, representative institution with an agenda of its own, but also a public authority answerable to the government. The decision to attribute the council this twofold role was unusual and, from a certain point of view, even controversial: it makes it difficult to determine the location of the power to act in saami-related issues and the legitimacy to do so.This essay is about how the twofold role came into existence, what it leads to and how the seemingly contradictive duality is managed. It has an institutional approach with theories concerning institutions and etnicity as well as institutional change and handling of complicated and ambiguous demands.

The aim of my study is to illuminate the borders, both spatial and aspatial, that are drawn around Europe in swedish politics by using the word in question in different ways. To increase my possibilites of comparing different concepts of Europe, I have chosen to restrict my study toFolkpartiet and Vänsterpartiet, which are the two swedish parties who seem to stand the furthest from each other on issues regarding Europe and the EU. Using theory on borders and bordering, I construct an analytical framework consisting of a separation of three categories of entities, around which borders can be drawn. In my search for both obvious and implicit ways of filling the word Europe with content, I find that both parties speak of Europe in a highly contradictory way, which both includes and excludes peripheral regions of a geographical Europe. My second conclusion is that both parties tend to associate Europe with things that are positive to them.

This thesis is a study of social movements and their possibilities to effect politics by infuencing values in society through framing. I've looked upon social movements from a functionalistic-structuralistic perspective, as if they were carriers of values from people that otherwise won't be represented in the political life. The values that the social movements are struggling for can affect both the opinion and the decision-makers since the social movements in an active way are trying ti influence the society. The thesis examines the political opportunities that social movements hav to mobilise and grow. I have looked at different factors that either improve or make the political opportunities worse.

Uppsatsen behandlar hur Sveriges syn på Estland, uttryckt i Riksdagsdebatten, förändras från 1985 till 2008, analyserat ur ett identitetspolitiskt perspektiv. Identitetspolitik innebär att självidentifikationen av en stat primärt bygger på identifieringen av "de andra" och att upprättandet av en gräns gentemot "de" skapar utrikespolitik. Undersökningen bygger på en kvalitativ analys av riksdagstryck från den berörda perioden och fokuserar på beskrivningen av Estland i debatten. Författaren menar att det under denna tid finns ett flertal tydliga tendenser till förändring som mynnar ut i Estland går från att vara något som omnämns ytterst försiktigt och endast med bakgrund av Kalla Kriget till att bli ett europeiskt Östersjöland som är en nära samarbetspartner för Sverige. Under loppet av denna utveckling blir både Östersjön och Europa viktiga identifikationer för Sverige medan Norden står tillbaka i relativa termer..

Sexualitet och reproduktion utgör två centrala delar i människors liv och är integrerade i vår personlighet. Det är därför viktigt att från tidig ålder skapa en god grund för sexuell hälsa och välbefinnande. Att se ungdomar som handlingskraftiga aktörer och göra dessa delaktiga i diskussioner i en öppen dialog bidrar till ökade möjligheter för skapande och vidmakthållande av en hälsosam livsstil. Skolan utgör därför en viktig arena för hälsofrämjande och preventivt arbete då de flesta ungdomar kan nås där. I Kina infördes en obligatorisk nioårig skolgång för Kinas samtliga ungdomar år 1986 och år 2002 infördes även obligatorisk skolbaserad sexualundervisning. Studien syftade till att undersöka hur kinesiska universitetsstudenters upplever sexualundervisning för ungdomar (10-19 år) i Kina samt behov av förändringar och pågående utvecklingstendenser.

In this essay i present a study on political learning of a minority ethnicity whose political history in the institutional form began in 1993. The ethnicity in question is the Sami?s and in 1993 the Sami Parliament was established. The establishment of the Sami parliament radically changed the preconditions for political work. Sami politics came to be pursued in an organized manner in the form of a public authority and democratically elected units.

This bachelor thesis deal with the Soviet submarine U-137 and it's grounding inthe Swedish archipelago outside the city of Karlskrona and one of Sweden?slargest naval-bases. The actions that took place in October 1981 were specialbecause of the clear violation of Swedish territory. When the Swedish authoritieslater suspect nuclear armament onboard the crisis gets worse. In the thesis wehave examined the Swedish politicians and military and their behaviour duringthe crisis.

New political parties are increasing as phenomena in Swedish politics. Some of these parties have gained much attention in the media, and recent examples are Junilistan, Feministiskt initiativ and Sjukvårdspartiet. Media plays an important role for political parties as it is a way for the parties to communicate with the citizens. Therefore this essay examines how these three new parties have been pictured in media lately, and with what arguments they are discussed. This is done by argument analysis of editorials in five Swedish newspapers.

This study raises the question how the implementation of the balanced scorecard in the municipality of Gotland has been influenced by the way of communication. A case study is made in the administration of Social-and care management on Gotland. We have been focusing on two different ways of communication. The first one is Shannon and Weavers model where communication is explained as a transmission of a message through a channel to a receiver. The other one is sensemaking where it is focal to give the information meaning.

Studies have found that the applicability of commercial marketing strategies within politics have increased in recent years as a result of a rising number of swing voters. The purpose of this paper was to investigate the effects of the commercial theory of incongruent information in political marketing in Sweden. Subsequently, an experiment with 742 participants was conducted, testing the effects of congruent and incongruent ad messages for two established Swedish parties. The effect of ad message choice on several well-established measures of ad effectiveness such as awareness, credibility, attitude, conviction and voting intentions was analyzed. The results showed that incongruent information effectively increases attitude, conviction and voting intention for voters who decide on the election day what party to vote for.

The reporting of the media will never be an exact copy of reality. Through medias way of presenting, or framing, the world that surround us all they must also affect our interpretation of it. The role of the journalist includes both chosing and excluding in the way they describe things. Studies have been made by the wellknown mediaresearcher, Kent Asp, that show how media reported in more negative wordings about Mona Sahlin, than her opponent Fredrik Reinfeldt in the period building up to the swedish elections 2010. The purpose of our study has been to compare how these politicians were being described, or framed, in the media, in regards to their gender.Our study has shown that Mona Sahlin more often than Fredrik Reinfeldt was described as being less knowledgeable, and were mentioned in the context of scandals or conflicts.

Samordning av de multinationella företagens verksamheter anses vara en allt viktigare källa till konkurrensfördelar. För att en sådan samordning ska möjliggöras ställs det krav på en effektiv kommunikation inom organisationen. Detta försvåras av att de multinationella företagen består av dotterbolag som är verksamma i många olika länder och miljöer.Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur ABB och Ericsson har agerat för att skapa en effektiv kommunikation mellan sitt svenska moderbolag och sina kinesiska dotterbolag. I fallet med ABB är studien avgränsad till att endast undersöka kommunikationen mellan ABB Power Systems och det kinesiska dotterbolaget ABB Chongqing Transformer Co. Ltd.

The aim of this paper is to see if Sweden has implemented the recommendations and taken notice of the guidelines for employment that the Commission and Council set up every year and from this see the role of the Commission and Council for the national employment politics. The years that I focused on in the paper are year 2000- 2004. The method that is used is a case study research that is exploratory and explanatory. The theoretical starting points are theories about delegation, cooperation and a variation of control and autonomy. This is recognized in the Principal- Agent theory and the Principal- Supervisor-Agent model.

Capella and Jamiesons research of how the media describes politics has shown that it is very often case of one of two scenarios: game frames; or issue frames. The central idea of this framing theory is that when politicians are described within game frames the disdain towards politicians is believed to increase. Capella and Jamieson have shown that, at least in the US, the use of game framing has increased. The Swedish Scholar Jesper Strömbäck has however, with his research, shown that, despite the earlier theory of Capella and Jamieson, in Sweden the tendency is not so clearly demarcated. In fact he says that if anything, the tendency looks to be the antithesis.

This study examines how Qatar and Russia utilize football as an instrument of foreign-policy. While previous reasearch has primarily focused on mega-events, such as the Olympic games and the FIFA World Cup, this thesis expands the scope by analyzing how footbal functions as a strategic tool for nation branding in both countries. The study employs a comparative qualitative case study appraoch, based on Simon Anholt?s nation branding framework, modified to include four dimensions instead of six. The analysis demonstrates that both Qatar and Russia leverage football to advance their foreign policy objectives, but in markedly different ways.