The aim of this paper is to examine how the Swedish implementation of the new trafficking laws may differ from the original intention from the UN and EU and if they are substandard due to poorly conducted law implementation. Or if it might be a victim of political symbolism, to win support and votes for the politicians in power from the people, a ?hollow showpiece? only meant to be shown off. Trafficking is a relatively new phenomena and problem to be researched and discussed. This paper investigates the impact of the Palermo protocols international definition of the problem, the convention against organized crime presented by the European Union on the Swedish legal system and its action plan. A qualitative text analysis focusing on the discourse of the intentions behind the internationally presented legal documents and compared against the carrying out of said national objectives.

Vid politiskt beslutsfattande framhävs från politikernas sida i första hand ekonomiska och funktionella motiv som styrande. Vad som beslutas om skall framstå som nyttigt för allmänheten. Denna nyttoaspekt är en av rationalitetens kännetecken. Denna uppsats har sin utgångspunkt i antagandet att även symbolpolitiska motiv ligger bakom tillkomsten av beslut. Som fall för studien ligger beslutet att bygga ett Kulturens hus i Luleå.

The Swedish public inquiries and most of the political science advocate reforms in the spirit of participatory democracy to strengthen the democracy. Although it is striking how limited and narrow the scientific documentation is in analysing the effects of participatory democratic reforms. Still, many of the local governments in Sweden are reshaping their organisations according to the participatory democracy model. Is it a trend and a symbolic action or a veritable action of good-will of the politicians?The paper argues that the idea of participatory democracy has become popular and widely spread.

Written declarations in the European Parliament have not been given muchattention in the field of political science. The scope of this Master's thesis is toexamine whether symbolic politics are present in written declarations and howthis may show. In this study, the aspects of symbolic politics of writtendeclarations of the sixth parliamentary term are examined using a taxonomy foridentifying symbolic politics developed by Peter Santesson-Wilson. Thetaxonomy is applied on 15 written declarations, all adopted by the EuropeanParliament, dealing with a variety of EU-related issues, ranging from July 2004 toJuly 2008.The main findings of the study show that symbolic politics is a presentphenomenon in nearly all written declarations (13 out of 15 cases) subject to thisstudy.In the final chapter of this study inter alia symbolic politics as a deliberateaction is discussed in the view of written declarations. Irrespective of this, onecould say that symbolic politics are institutionalised in the European Parliament,at least when it comes to written declarations..

The aim of this thesis is to develop two idealtypes of politics to help serve as instruments in understanding and analysing the view on politics held by top civil servants in the municipality of Lund Sweden. The two ideal types developed here are symbolic sense making politics and rational instrumental politics. These two ideal types were applied to material from a qualitative survey to help bring out clear results and to help with the interpretation of the material The results of the study showed that the two idealtypes could not help to clearly categorize the civil servants views on management by objectives. But while categorizing the top civil servants views the important features of policy documents the ideal types were helpful. By using the ideal types I came to the conclusion that the view on policy documents was mainly characterized by sense making politics.

The purpose of this essay is to investigate the policy proposal The right to Challenge (utmaningsrätt) and the political motivation that has been used to implement it, as well as the result of it. The focus is on a case study of the implementing in Örebro municipality. Moreover, a comparative study is done to investegate the differences and similarities between Örebro and other municipalities that have chosen to implement The right to Challenge.The main question in this essay is How did Örebro?s municipality implement it and what was the result? There is also four minor questions: How was The right to Challenge motivated and what hopes did the politicans have for it? What has The right to Challenge so far contributed with in Örebro municipality? What do the entreprenures think about their oppertunity to challenge the municipality? What similarities and differences exists between Örebro and other municipalities that have chosen to implement The right to Challenge?The results that are presented in this essay generate conclusions that the implementing of The right to Challenge was motivated with arguments that it will result in increased diversity, improved efficiency, and reduced costs. This has however not been the case since very few challenges have been submitted, most likely due to a lack of promotion.

Motives and reasons behind a decision to change the asylum process in Sweden are the central concern for this thesis. A symbolic political perspective will be applied in order to elucidate the symbolic factors that have influenced the decision process.The Aliens Appeal Board in Sweden will close down at the end of March 2006 and all pending and future cases will henceforth be decided by three administrative courts. This will be done in order to enhance the principles of legal certainty by making the process more transparent and oral. It is an extensive reform, but since very few amendments are made to the applicable substantive law it raises questions about the actual motives behind the change.One reason that seems to have had a major impact on the decision to close down the Aliens Appeal Board is the fact that the board is perceived as a symbol for an inhuman asylum policy. Transferring the process to the courts might ease the attempt to increase the legitimacy of the asylum process.

Intresset för brottsofferfrågor har vuxit sig allt starkare i Sverige under de senaste årtiondena. Socialtjänsten är den instans som har det lagstadgade ansvaret att erbjuda brottsoffer den hjälp och det stöd de behöver. Idag tyder dock mycket på att det föreligger stora brister i socialtjänstens brottsofferstöd. Det är i dessa brister som denna studie har tagit sin utgångpunkt med två primära frågeställningar: (1) varför har det varit så svårt för socialtjänsten att fullfölja sitt lagstadgade ansvar gentemot brottsoffer och (2) vad skulle behöva göras för att få socialtjänstens brottsofferarbete att fungera på ett bättre sätt än vad det gör idag? Ingen liknande kartläggning har tidigare gjorts på området. Genom åtta stycken nyckelpersonsintervjuer undersöktes dessa frågeställningar.