This study aims to examine young peoples? attitudes towards crimes related to Riots. It also examines if there?s a difference in attitudes to different crimes and if there is a connection between these attitudes and friends experience of crime, gender, socioeconomic position or residential area. There is a lack of research in this area, most of the studies on Riots focus on the reasons and driving forces leading to Riots.

This essay focuses on the press coverage of the Riots in Gothenburg 2001. The questions it aims to answer are, How is it that although the media was gender-neutral in its news reports, the lasting memory is one of rioting men, and why did the media simultaneously exaggerate and minimize the importance of the Riots?The material consists of articles and photographs from Swedish mainstream newspapers. The method is text analysis, with a heavy influence of discourse theory. The conclusions are that since the hegemonic discourse on gender does not allow women to be active and violent, all bodies in the riot automatically become men, no matter how female they seem to be in other contexts.

The memory of expulsions among the expelling groups has been fairly studied, and has potential to create new conflicts. This qualitative study uses in-depth interviews to describe the memory of the 6-7 September events and the Greek minority in Istanbul among a group of Turkish descent people living in Beyoglu, Istanbul. Further the study compares the memory with the written history and explains why the memories of the past are shaped according to the present. The Greek minority of Istanbul are remembered in words of friendship and neighbourliness, but these memories are rather a nostalgia of the past for present needs than an image of the past itself. The memories of the events among the studied group are dominated by the general destruction occasioned by the Riots but tend to contradict the violence towards the Greek minority.

The study explores collective action in Sweden between 1980 to 1995 using time-series data from the European Protest and Coercion Database. In spite of severe hardship during the crisis of the early 1990s, Swedish strike-rates declined. However, contention merely shifted from workplaces into the streets; there was indeed a protest movement against austerity, as shown by a series of large demonstrations, and some Riots, between 1989 and 1993. Further analysis indicates this movement faded as it was increasingly chanelled into the electoral campaign of the labor pary; having won the 1994 election, the organised labor movement no longer had an interest in sustaining the protest movement against austerity..

This thesis aim to investigate the living conditions among marginalized habitants of suburbs in the Swedish welfare state. To approach an understanding of the complexity of marginalized urban areas, this thesis focus on studying the Stockholm suburb Husby in a context of the May Riots 2013.The research method used is qualitative interviews with seven informants, who have a connection to the Husby area.The theories applied to the empirical material is Gösta Esping-Andersens theory on welfare state regimes and Loïc Wacquants theory on advanced marginality, also known as ?The new urban poverty?.By observing the complexity of the Husby Riots in a contextual aspect of the Swedish welfare state and the living situation in Husby, the analysis has shown that the Swedish welfare model is going through a changing process. This process means a shift from a social democratic welfare model towards a more liberal regime, with an increased privatization of public welfare and a focus on individual responsibility regarding the citizens own living conditions. Husby as an area is characterized by a low socioeconomic status, a high level of unemployment and poor school results.

Social housing in Northern Europe and the importance of social and political consideration in planning. Focus of the essay lies on the "burning suburbs" of France, based on literature studies combined with a study visit to Les Minguettes outside of Lyon..

The study explores collective action in Sweden between 1980 to 1995 using time-series data from the European Protest and Coercion Database. In spite of severe hardship during the crisis of the early 1990s, Swedish strike-rates declined. However, contention merely shifted from workplaces into the streets; there was indeed a protest movement against austerity, as shown by a series of large demonstrations, and some Riots, between 1989 and 1993. Further analysis indicates this movement faded as it was increasingly chanelled into the electoral campaign of the labor pary; having won the 1994 election, the organised labor movement no longer had an interest in sustaining the protest movement against austerity..

Syftet med min undersökning har varit att undersöka receptionen kring det ryska konstkollektivet Pussy Riot. Jag har försökt att finna svar på vad det är för omständigheter som ligger bakom uppmärksamheten som gruppen har fått internationellt och i Sverige. Detta har jag gjort genom att utgå från ett genusperspektiv med en speciell inriktning på feministisk konstteori. Med hjälp av internationella artiklar och svensk dagspress har jag gjort en övergripande analys av receptionen kring Pussy Riot och deras konst. Genom materialet har jag kunnat undersöka olika kontexter som Pussy Riots konst har skapat reception inom.

Syftet med min undersökning har varit att undersöka receptionen kring det ryska konstkollektivet Pussy Riot. Jag har försökt att finna svar på vad det är för omständigheter som ligger bakom uppmärksamheten som gruppen har fått internationellt och i Sverige. Detta har jag gjort genom att utgå från ett genusperspektiv med en speciell inriktning på feministisk konstteori. Med hjälp av internationella artiklar och svensk dagspress har jag gjort en övergripande analys av receptionen kring Pussy Riot och deras konst. Genom materialet har jag kunnat undersöka olika kontexter som Pussy Riots konst har skapat reception inom.

The study explores collective action in Sweden between 1980 to 1995 using time-series data from the European Protest and Coercion Database. In spite of severe hardship during the crisis of the early 1990s, Swedish strike-rates declined. However, contention merely shifted from workplaces into the streets; there was indeed a protest movement against austerity, as shown by a series of large demonstrations, and some Riots, between 1989 and 1993. Further analysis indicates this movement faded as it was increasingly chanelled into the electoral campaign of the labor pary; having won the 1994 election, the organised labor movement no longer had an interest in sustaining the protest movement against austerity..

Genom historien har människor runt om i världen stått upp mot ett beteende de har ansett vara orättvist. Det har förkroppsligats i strejker, kravaller och rentutav revolutioner och statskupper. Lika länge har ordningsmakt, men även politiker, behövt hantera dessa typer av samhällsuppror. Syftet med denna studie är att, utifrån ett policyorienterat perspektiv, undersöka vilka lärdomar Londonpolisen drog av kriser under tidsperioden 1985-2011. Vidare ska det undersökas vad som hände med dessa lärdomar när den brittiska inrikespolitiska agendan förändrades.  Det intressanta ligger i att undersöka vilka lärdomar som kan dras och huruvida sådana lärdomar kan bestå utan underhåll från den politiska sidan och när frågorna på agendan förändras.

The study explores collective action in Sweden between 1980 to 1995 using time-series data from the European Protest and Coercion Database. In spite of severe hardship during the crisis of the early 1990s, Swedish strike-rates declined. However, contention merely shifted from workplaces into the streets; there was indeed a protest movement against austerity, as shown by a series of large demonstrations, and some Riots, between 1989 and 1993. Further analysis indicates this movement faded as it was increasingly chanelled into the electoral campaign of the labor pary; having won the 1994 election, the organised labor movement no longer had an interest in sustaining the protest movement against austerity..

Are icehockey supporters a big problem in todays society? Is security required during icehockey events, and how is it implemented? This study was aimed to investigate the people at security positions and their view on fan behavior and it?s impact on icehockey events. It was a qualitative study were six interviews were made with people in charge of the security at different hockey clubs. The results showed that security managers overall saw a good fan culture, and that it created a wonderful atmosphere. Security managers worked a lot with dialogue with the supporters and they thought it had a good effect.

In today's society social movement are dependent on media as a channel to com-municate their political message and their discourse. Media is an arena for dis-courses but at the same time, along with Attac, one of the actors who struggle to be part of the dominant discourse of the society. This struggle is uneven due to media and the relationship is to some content hegemonic.Attac Sweden was constituted in January 2001 and got an enormous amount of attention in media. But after the Riots during the Göteborg European Council in June 2001, that Attac was partly blamed for, the attention in media has faded out. This paper shows that the images of Attac in media hasn?t been favouring the movement, especially during and after the meeting in Gothenburg.

The aim of this study is to describe and analyse how young men who have participated in a riot describe their life-situations regarding to their relations to the police, their neighbourhood, employment, the background to the Riots and how they use hip-hop as a resistance to subordination. The study is conducted through three semi-structured qualitative group interviews and to some extent field studies. The theoretical points of departure are Slavoj Zizeks theory of violence, which is divided into subjective, symbolic and systemic violence, and subcultural theory. The results of the study show that the young men in their daily life are exposed to by both systemic and symbolic violence, feel secure within their neighbourhood and find themselves harassed by the police. A major finding is that the riot primarily can be understood as an act to get society conscious of their situations, while they found themselves marginalised, lacking employment and youth club.