In this paper I will examine the five Pussy Riot music videos that the group has published online on their official You Tube website. I will examine them through a ?gender lens? looking at their visual representations of gender vis-à-vis the hegemonic gender discourse in Russia. In addition I will examine their potential effects and if/how these visual representations can be understood as resistance.In my study I will take on a constructionist approach and the main theories being used to understand and analyze the Pussy Riot music videos are discourse- and representational theory including deconstruction, performativity and the social construction of gender as well as ?in-between? and deviant representations.

On subsequent days, the 18th and 19th of December 2012, large groups of young people gathered to protest in the centre of Gothenburg. The gatherings mainly occurred outside two high schools: Plusgymnasiet and Framtidsgymnasiet. The reason behind the gathering has often been explained by the young people?s reaction to an Instagram account, on which offensive pictures and comments of and about young boys and girls had been published. As a reaction to the protest, police force including helicopters and mounted police, was sent to the streets.

A large part of the Iranian population resented the west, in particular USA and Great Britain, during the Islamic revolution in Iran 1979. The people were also resenting the adverse effects of the trumped up frame made in Iran. The last shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was detested by many in Iran for its west-oriented regime. The resentment among many Iranians is a consequence of the violations of e.g. the lack of political and civil rights, there were no existing legal security in the society, there were no economic distribution and the regime of Mohammad Reza Shah violated the human rights.The resolution from an Iranian perspective for riot is not new, during the last centuries the abomination against the despotic kings have been existing varyingly and big Riots have been raised.  The Islamic revolution in 1979 was new because the revolution added adverse effects of west, the population detested west and expressed it by protesting through demonstration.  The significance of the revolution in 1979 was also attributable to Islam.

A large part of the Iranian population resented the west, in particular USA and Great Britain, during the Islamic revolution in Iran 1979. The people were also resenting the adverse effects of the trumped up frame made in Iran. The last shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was detested by many in Iran for its west-oriented regime. The resentment among many Iranians is a consequence of the violations of e.g. the lack of political and civil rights, there were no existing legal security in the society, there were no economic distribution and the regime of Mohammad Reza Shah violated the human rights.The resolution from an Iranian perspective for riot is not new, during the last centuries the abomination against the despotic kings have been existing varyingly and big Riots have been raised.  The Islamic revolution in 1979 was new because the revolution added adverse effects of west, the population detested west and expressed it by protesting through demonstration.  The significance of the revolution in 1979 was also attributable to Islam.

This is an essay in Swedish on the subject of democracy and demonstrations of collective violence. The study is based on a conflict between the youth-house movement in Copenhagen and the state of Denmark - the city of Copenhagen. The focus is over the period December 2006 until January 2008 with reflection on the political movement around the youth-house from the 80's and onwards. This political movement roots back to the late 60's and especially the squatting movement, the BZ, of Europe which had a strong period in Denmark both in the 60's and the 80's. There is also a strong connection to other political movements of anti-fascism, anti-globalisation, queer activism and equal rights.

Denna C-uppsats analyserar genom kvalitativt inneha?llsanalytiska metoder utvalda delar av BBC:s bevakning av upploppen i England i augusti 2011. Metodmodellen a?r egenkonstruerad, men anva?nder element ur kritisk diskursanalys (CDA, Faircloughs tilla?mpningar), samt delar av de metodverktyg som tas upp i Selby och Cowderys metodhandbok How to Study Television. Materialet underso?ks i fyra steg: konstruktion, kategori/genre, inverkan/agency samt diskursiv praktik/nyhetsva?rdering.

AbstractThis essay begins with a presentation of the complex set of problems which relate to the interaction between freedom of speech and the ban against discrimination based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith or sexual preference (BrB 16:8, incitement to racial hatred). Can conflicts arise between freedom of speech and the ban against discrimination? To shed light on this question, we have chosen to look at the issue from a new perspective. This perspective is based on the new challenges faced by Swedish society as a result of the changed composition of our population, our membership in the EU and our acknowledgment of certain international conventions concerning human rights.Fifty years ago our population almost solely comprised of ?native Swedes?.