The aim of this bachelor´s thesis ist to analyze the idea progress in the Party programs in the swedish Centre-Party during the time 1910-1959. The progress in the Party program is compared with the evolution of society during the same period.The bachelor´s aim is also to analyze how each new program is described in newspapers, two newspapers were chosen to make the comparison; Arbetet (a social-democratic newspaper), and Skånska Dagbladet (a centre-Party newspaper). The result shows that the Party in the beginning was conservative and against both capitalism and socialism. The start of the Party was a reaction against the new electionsystem which was introduced in Sweden in 1909.The Party took a clear standpoint for the Swedish farmers, but after 1933, they were standing for the whole countryside. In the 1940´s and the 1950´s the Party became more like a social liberal Party rather than an agrarian Party only for the farmers.The Party programs are not given much space in the two newspapers.

The aim of this paper is to study and outline the factors governing political leadership at the Party leader level, and to conclude to what extent a Party leader rules and to what extent the Party leadership is contextually determined. The theories used are based on Elgie's interactionistic study of political leadership and Stewart's organisational model of leadership as well as political culture.Thus, the questions raised are if the leader leads or if the leader follows; if the leadership environment is formed by the leader or if it is, merely, implemented on the leader; and what a model of the political leadership consist of? To answer these questions a text analysis comparing Sahlin?s speeches to the Party?s political programme is used as well as in-depth interviews with members of the Board of Party.The conclusion shows that the leadership is contextually framed, but the leader is free to implement his or her ambitions within that frame as long as it is coherent to the Party line..

This essay is about the Workers Communist Party. My method for the analyzing part in this essay is qualitative methods such as text and idea analysis. I have chosen the words of Claudin to describe which ideological standpoints Workers Communist Party have. First I write about the background to why Workers Communist Party was formed in 1977. The background is the big split of extreme left wingers from the left Party, which formed several organisations such as The Communist Marxist-Leninist Revolutionary Party and The Communist Organization for Marxist-Leninists.

AbstractThis thesis discusses ideological and rhetorical change of the Moderate Party of Sweden. The aim of the thesis has been to study the Party during a time-span of almost 20 years, trying to identify changes related to each of the three Party leaders.A hypothesis was developed, suggesting that the three Party leaders each represented a different kind of ideology namely neo-conservatism, neo-liberalism and social liberalism. By studying newspaper articles and protocols from the Swedish Parliament, riksdagen, I was able to verify the hypothesis in all but the first Party leader, Carl Bildt. It was showed that his ideology had more in common with New Right than with neo-liberalism.After identifying these changes I looked for explanations within Party Strategy Theory and Social Change Theory. My conclusions were that the changes could be understood by the great loss of voters in the election of 2002 and that agents within the Moderate Party acted upon the ambition to win new and old voters to the Party, thereby recognizing the need for change.Keywords: Ideological Change, Rhetorical Change, The Moderate Party,Neo-Liberalism, Neo-Conservatism, Social Liberalism..

One aim of this thesis has been to trace the driving forces among active members of the Swedish Pensioners? Interest Party (SPI), but also to render how Party values and ideas are connected to the concepts of is-sue space, distrust, and New Party Politics (mainly populism). Since there are several pensioners? parties in other countries, my second aim has been to investigate whether the Party is a result of a diffusion proc-ess of copying a successful equivalent Party; in other words to find out whether a master frame has inspired the forming of a Swedish pension-ers? Party. Through interviews and document analysis, I have found seven issue dimensions explaining the motives behind my respondents? engagement in the Party.

The overall purpose with this thesis has been to study the strategic development of the Swedish Green Party, Miljöpartiet de Gröna. From its first appearance in the Swedish parliament 1988 to its decision to cooperate with the Social Democrats and the Left Party in 1998, the Greens has gone from a radical antiParty to a pragmatic support Party. The analysis has concentrated towards identifying the causal factors behind this strategic move made by the Greens, and to determine how this Party change has affected the Party's strategic goals. In order to do so, a qualitative case study has been conducted where an integrated theoretical approach has been used. By studying official statements and internal debates the thesis concludes that the strategic change made by the Greens was due to the evolvement of a new dominant coalition of within the Party.

The overall purpose with this thesis has been to study the strategic development of the Swedish Green Party, Miljöpartiet de Gröna. From its first appearance in the Swedish parliament 1988 to its decision to cooperate with the Social Democrats and the Left Party in 1998, the Greens has gone from a radical antiParty to a pragmatic support Party. The analysis has concentrated towards identifying the causal factors behind this strategic move made by the Greens, and to determine how this Party change has affected the Party's strategic goals. In order to do so, a qualitative case study has been conducted where an integrated theoretical approach has been used. By studying official statements and internal debates the thesis concludes that the strategic change made by the Greens was due to the evolvement of a new dominant coalition of within the Party.

Title: Similarities or differences within the centre-right? A study of the potential for Party fusions within in the Swedish centre-rightAuthor: Charlie WeimersAim: The thesis seeks to find the potential for Party fusions within the Swedish centre-right by analyzing the ideological similarities and differences between the parties.Method/Material: In the thesis, four dimensions of the parties? ideologies are analyzed: view of man, theory for societal structures, fiscal theory and moral values. The results of the study of the ideologies are then compared. The investigation is done with the Party manifestos as starting point and with the analysis of ideas as theoretical tool.Main Results: The comparative analysis, based on the parties? ideological views, shows specific Party constellations are more probable than others.

The Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) has for a long time often been labeled a populist political Party. It has however not been the subject of in-depth study to what extent the Party really is populist. A study on whether the Party and its supporters fulfill the criteria that a social science definition of populism would stipulate is therefore needed, in order to establish accurately whether the Party is populist.    The definition used in my study accentuates three qualities that specify populist organizations: an antagonistic attitude against prevailing power structures, demands for increasing democratic influence and advocating a certain people?s rights ahead of others.The qualitative analysis of documents central for the Party shows that it fulfills all of the criteria illustrated in the definition that is the basis of my study.

This paper examines the ideological content of the compulsory school policy of the Swedish Liberal Party. The aim of the study is to investigate whether the Liberal Party does really represent a liberal policy for the compulsory school, or if it is more accurately described as conservative. The analysis is carried through by two separate critical examinations of the Liberal Party motion on school politics to the parliament and the Conservative Party motion on school politics to the parliament respectively. A comparison is then made between the ideological contents of the two documents. The specific Party policies are linked to universal definitions of liberalism and conservatism with the help of an analytical tool consistent of a series of educational philosophies.

The aim of this thesis is to describe the rise of the Tea Party movement in the United States. By using a known theory within social movement studies, the political process theory, this thesis look into the factors that could have played a role in the rise and fast mobilization of the Tea Party movement. The political process theory consists of three parts and hence looks into both the political structure of, in this case, the United States, how mobilizing structures have been used and into the cultural framing used by the Tea Party to create their identity. In order to bring structure to the thesis, the three theory parts have been transformed into analysis models. These give a very good idea of all the factors that could have played a part and therefore also a good way to describe the rise of the Tea Party movement.The research confirm what the political process theory says, that the Tea Party movements rise came at a time when there were a mix of factors at play, both structural and cultural, creating an opportunity that the Tea Party took.

The Sweden democrats are a political Party that has had a time of success duringthe last year. However many people believe them to be a racist Party, in contrastto how they view themselves and their political message. How is it possible thatthe views of the same Party differ to this extent, it seems to be a large ambiguityin their message. Rhetoric is a tool that everybody uses in some way or anotherand can be crucial to how a political Party is perceived by people. Can thereforethe use of rhetoric be a factor that has contributed to the different perception of theParty and if so, in which way?With the help of theories such as semiotics, classical rhetoric and antiestablishmentstrategy, different texts, such as motions, and pictures published bythe Sweden democrats can be analyzed to find ways they use rhetoric.In the analysis it was obvious that they used rhetoric, even though therhetorical quality differed between the leading persons in the Party and the peoplewho represented the Sweden democrats in the local government.

The purpose with this essay is to examine the Liberal Party and the Left Party´s views on homework, if the parties considers that homework affects the schools plan for equivalence and if the parties disagreement can be related to their different ideologies. To answer the purpose I have used following questions: How do the Liberal Party and the Left Party define the concept of homework?, What is the purpose of homework in primary schools according to the Liberal Party and the Left Party?, What are the arguments for and against homework and do homework affects the schools plan for equivalence according to the parties? and Can the parties' views on homework be related to their respective ideologies? The method used is a qualitative textual analysis with focus on the idea analysis. The material consist of relevant newspaper articles, news and debate clips and the parties various Party programs, during the time frame of 2006-05-31 - 2013-10-14. To answer the purpose I also used different types of discourse theories, equivalence theory and the ideologies liberalism and reformist socialism as theories.The results shows that the Liberal Party and the Left Party have different views about what a homework should be considered as and that both parties thinks that homework can affect the schools plan for equivalence, but they have different perceptions about how.

The Swedish Moderate Party, often also called the Conservative Party, was founded with conservatism as the dominant ideology. During the years, however, liberalism has gradually found its way into the Party. The aim of this study is to analyze the Moderate Party?s political platforms from 1984 to 2013 from an ideological perspective. Is conservatism still a foundational ideology in the Moderate Party, or has the liberal ideology taken its place? The study is based on an ideal type analysis that illustrates the Moderate Party?s argumentation in six political issues in the years 1984, 1993 and 2013.

The subject of this study has been organizational change within two Scandinavian green parties ? the Swedish Green Party and the Norwegian Green Party. Looking at the organizational changes within these two parties using Robert Michel?s famous concept the ?iron law of oligarchy?, I have studied whether these two parties have become more oligarchic after having been elected to the national parliaments of Sweden and Norway respectively. What I have found is that although these two parties still retain much of the original organizational structure that they have had, in particular the Swedish Green Party, change has occurred and seems to be occurring, at least in the Norwegian Green Party, which would indicate that the two parties have become more oligarchic.