This thesis is a study of social Movements and their possibilities to effect politics by infuencing values in society through framing. I've looked upon social Movements from a functionalistic-structuralistic perspective, as if they were carriers of values from people that otherwise won't be represented in the political life. The values that the social Movements are struggling for can affect both the opinion and the decision-makers since the social Movements in an active way are trying ti influence the society. The thesis examines the political opportunities that social Movements hav to mobilise and grow. I have looked at different factors that either improve or make the political opportunities worse.

The aim of this paper is to analyse the social movement Planka.nu with reference to the theory of new social Movements in order to engage in a discussion about the presence of ?old? tradition and ?new? trends. As well as empirical, the purpose is also theoretical and methodological: to examine, and extend, the discussion about new and old social Movements. A qualitative method is used. The analytical framework is based on a combination of theories of social Movements and new social Movements.

Social Movements have long been valuable components of the struggle for a world with true justice. Along with the changing and modernization of society these Movements also change, both in their actions as well as in the goals they want to accomplish. Technology is taking a greater part in many aspects of social life, creating new dimensions but also new social divides. This thesis examines how new social Movements make themselves visible and affect the world around them through different kinds of networks. For the purpose of this study, we have chosen to study two social Movements; the Zapatistas in Mexico, who have become known worldwide for carrying out the first informational revolution, and MoveOn.org, an American grassroots organization that struggles for increased democracy in the US.

The purpose of this study was to examine how modern information and communication technology influence collective action within the framework of social Movements. By studying the protests in the Arab World 2011, and focusing on the social Movements in Suleimanya in northern Iraq, by observation taken on place, the essay discusses that collective action is closely related to the use of technology, for example cell phones and Internet.Result shows that modern communication technology has enabled immeasurable access andconnection between individuals throughout the world, which seems to be different from previouscollective action. The new communication channels in the form of social media, has been used for the dissemination of information and news, documentation, organization and membership recruitment in the social Movements in the Arab World and Suleimanya. The new social Movements have the tendency to be decentralized and flattened organized, they are now self-organizing and that they only do a whole as global patterns, as evidenced by the social Movements in the Arab World andSuleimanya..

The purpose of this study was to examine how modern information and communication technology influence collective action within the framework of social Movements. By studying the protests in the Arab World 2011, and focusing on the social Movements in Suleimanya in northern Iraq, by observation taken on place, the essay discusses that collective action is closely related to the use of technology, for example cell phones and Internet.Result shows that modern communication technology has enabled immeasurable access andconnection between individuals throughout the world, which seems to be different from previouscollective action. The new communication channels in the form of social media, has been used for the dissemination of information and news, documentation, organization and membership recruitment in the social Movements in the Arab World and Suleimanya. The new social Movements have the tendency to be decentralized and flattened organized, they are now self-organizing and that they only do a whole as global patterns, as evidenced by the social Movements in the Arab World andSuleimanya..

This thesis examines the possibility of Bolivian indigenous women?s social Movements? getting their demands of a gender equal society fulfilled in the new state which was initiated in 2005 when Evo Morales became the first president representing the indigenous people of the country. By using a qualitative method I have showed that although the Bolivian indigenous women?s social Movements? historically has been significant political actors for social change in the country, with representation at both regional and national level, Bolivian women are still subordinated in the social and political sphere. By applying a feminist intersectional perspective which takes its point of departure in a understanding of power as multidimensional, where gender, ethnicity and class are constitutive principals, multiculturalism theories and a social Movements theory framework, I have found that even if institutional changes, that opened the system increased the indigenous women?s social Movements political participation in Bolivia, power structures based on gender limited their possibilities to influence both socially and politically.

In order to detect Movements and vibrations on different appliance, especially robots and self-going devices are used different sensors. One of the most used movement sensors are accelerometers. They are three different types of accelerometers one-axes, two-axes and three-axes. They can be analogue or digital. Husqvarna AB uses an accelerometer to detect Movements of their self-going lawnmower Automower.

There have been various results in research focused on why people are attracted to religion and religious Movements. This is also the case with the reasons why people are attracted to far?right nationalist Movements. The focus of this thesis is to analyze British National Party?s political documents after nationalistic quasi-religious elements.If nationalism was to be seen as a form of religion or as a substitute for religion the result could be a better understanding of why people are attracted to nationalist Movements in general, and also to far-right Movements.

AbstractThe political parties in Sweden are losing members. This is seen as a problem because the political parties are the base and the recruiting ground for members to decision-making bodies. Social Movements are seen as a place where people with a modest background could express their opinions and also learn the political process. These Movements have also lost members during the last decades and this could seriously affect the representation of lower social groups among the decision-makers. This essay emanates from Robert D.

This study contents a research of the Swedish temperance Movements IOGT, NTO and TO:s adult education in Dalarna between 1921 and 1939. A theory that is used in this essay is the publicity theory of Jürgen Habermas. A theory in this essay is that the adult educational work of the temperance Movements could bee seen as an alternative publicity because the courses that the temperance movement held in general contents a great part of the Movements own literature, the participants in the courses held their own lectures to each other and it was mostly only members of the temperance Movements who could join the courses. The main subject of the courses was history in literature, English, Esperanto, and knowledge about local democracy. Not many courses content the drinking issue in Sweden at this time, even thought a national referendum was held in the issue during the research period of this essay.

Relationships between defence mechanisms and body Movements were investigated in regard to three hypothesis; I. that a difference in frequency of body Movements correlates to different signs of defence mechanisms, II. that themes of body Movements can be identified in regard to signs of defence mechanisms, III. that no significant differences will be found between the different groups of gender. The aim of the study was to seek a relation between quasicommunicative body Movements and defence mechanisms.

ABSTRACTPurpose/aim: Are there any differences between how ?old? and ?young? groups within social Movements in Sweden view (value) and use alternative and mainstream media?Material/method: The answer to the research problem is sought by conducting qualitative research interviews with representatives of four different groups: Alternativ Stad, Folkkampanjen mot Kärnkraft-Kärnvapen, Attac Sverige and Ingen Människa är Illegal. The theoretical framework consists of research on social Movements, especially on their relation to media, and on alternative media.Main results: There exist some, but not great, differences between how ?old? and ?young? groups view and use mainstream and alternative media. The differences are relatively small when it comes to views on media and somewhat larger concerning media use.

This thesis highlights the complex relationship between social Movements and the mass media. The new social Movements really have to struggle to get access to the media sphere, often enforced to use spectacular media strategies, and at the same time maintain their political messages. This struggle gives us reason to question the liberal notion of the media as a neutral arena for political communication and debate. In fact we argue that the media industry should be seen as a powerful actor and that the mass media serves to maintain and enforce an ideology that serves the political and economic elites in the liberal capitalist democracy. The Social Movements that seek to question these elites and present an alternative, as they did during the EU-meeting in Gothenburg 2001, quite clearly gets far from neutral media image of the political actions taking place instead the are portrayed as violent or associated with violence and not presented as legitimate or believable political subjects..

The right to the city has lately become the rallying cry for many urban social Movements all over the world to challenge neoliberal planning, gentrification, the privatization of urban commons and growing spatial and social gaps in city and society. This senior essay studies urban social Movements that in different ways advocate the idea of the right to the city. The term right to the city was coined in the late 1960s by French urban theorist Henri Lefebvre, who promoted the idea of the city as a common, a space belonging to everyone. The right to the city is not ?a return to traditional cities?, but ?a right to urban life? (1996:158).This study focuses on the city of Hamburg.

The previous research in the field of new religious Movements has mostly focused on the spectacular parts where phenomena such as ?brainwashing? and the ?charismatic leader? have attracted both media and the scientific studies of religion. Professor Liselotte Frisks has done several enquiries about sects and new religious Movements in Sweden. One of her main conclusions is that the relation between these new religious Movements and the rest of society has changed; a relation that used to be characterized by conflicts and tension is now becoming more open as both parts are changing.This study does not focus on the spectacular parts. Instead I have studied something more common and general.