The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze why or why not Swedish municipalities implement the gender equality policy ? ?right to work fulltime?. In order to understand this institutional change, the analysis is based on a theoretical framework consisting of two fields: political representation and feminist institutionalism. The study is divided into two empirical inquiries. The first part is based on a quantitative survey that describes the casual relationship between two independent variables; womenÂŽs political representation and party ideology, and the dependent variable; political decision about ?right to work fulltime?.

The purpose of the essay is to analyze the welfare state from a gender perspective. Further, the paper analyzes and critically examines three different normative solutions provided by Irish Marion Young, Nancy Fraser and JĂŒrgen Habermas for the realization of a welfare state that includes women.Habermas argues that the welfare state has created a situation of dependency and state paternalism which reduces both individual and collective self-determination. Young follows Habermas? argument. She argues for a political climate where justice is reduced to the distribution of material goods rather than the elimination of underlying relations of domination and gender specific patterns.

The activity of interest groups in the political process of the European Union has given rise to a broad debate concerning the effect on European democracy these groups have. As relatively powerful political actors, the question of these groups? views on the EU and how the union should be is an important one. The status of these groups owns democratic representation also affects the democratic status of the EU. Being based on a number of theories, this study adopts an ideology analysis for the purpose of testing these theories on two cases ? the Swedish environmental organizations World Wide Fund for Nature and The Swedish Society for Nature Conservation.

AbstractTitle: Cancer in media from a gender perspectiveNumber of pages: 33 (49 including enclosures)Author: Emma KreĂŒTutor: Amelie HössjerCourse: Media- and Communication science DPeriod: Spring 2007University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala UniversityPurpose/Aim: The aim of this thesis is to investigate if there are differences between the picture given in media of women with cancer and of men with cancer. The result is aimed to give a deeper picture of how gender is represented in media.Material/Method: The method used in this thesis is discourse analysis, applied on twenty articles which contained personal interviews with women and men who have or have had breast or prostate cancer. Ten of the articles contain interviews with women and ten interviews with men. The articles were selected from criteria based on where and when they were published. They were picked from the two largest papers in Sweden, Dagens Nyheter (DN) and Aftonbladet (AF), ten from each paper, of which five were interviews with women and five with men.

Uppsatsen Àr en komparativ analys mellan Rwanda och Liberia. Syftet Àr hur ett kvinnligt deltagande i fredsuppbyggnad kan pÄverka kvinnans politiska representation?.

Partly as a reaction to a perceived crisis in contemporary democracy, the nineties witnessed an upsurge in different forms of citizens? fora, dedicated to the promotion of increased participation by the citizen in the political process. Youth councils are a special point in case as they entail the general characteristics of a deliberative forum, with an emphasis on political learning. This study aims to undertake an evaluation of a regional youth council in the region of SkÄne in the south of Sweden. Through qualitative analysis, the study aims to portray the origin, purposes and consequences of such a forum.

The Swedish and Icelandic women's movements, the Support Stockings and the Women's Alliance both had the goal to change their nation's women politics. The goal was to increase the low representation of women in their parliaments and to highlight women issues on the political agenda. The essay shows that the most important reason behind the will to form a party, was a new issue being disregarded by existing parties, although there is a considerable interest concerning the issue amongst society. While a party was formed on Iceland the Swedish equivalence did not occur. Even though only one party was formed, both movements achieved the same results.

This thesis focuses on politically active women within The Swedish Social Democratic Women?s Association, also known as S-women. By applying discourse analysis to interviews with active s-women and to meeting conversations between the association?s members, the study approaches ideas of feminism, feminist politics and political commitment. ?Solidarity? ? the central concept of the labour movement ? serves as the point of departure for a feminist discussion about class, gender, ethnicity and age/generation.

Research shows that Muslims are often reproduced within the context that reinforces stereotyping of Muslims, see for example Otterbeck and Schielke. They are often regarded as a collective group with no distinct individuals and thereby the Islamic religiosity is portrayed as different and deviant from the more secular and private practiced Protestantism that is a common belief in Sweden.The purpose of this work is to study the already existing representation of Muslim women in a Western context, i.e. Muslim women in Sweden. This is done through an analysis of two ethnographic interviews and observational studies, written by researchers in Sweden (Karlsson Minganti and Sultan Sjöqvist) to investigate the existence of an "us and them" mindset. The two ethnographic studies which are analyzed in this work, deal with different types of Muslims: women who have been Muslims since birth and converted Muslim women.

AbstractThe aim of this essay is to analyse the effects of women's representation on actual political outcome. Quantitative method and materials are used to study the consequences of women's political participation in Swedish municipals.Many theorists think that women have special interests, different from men?s, which is also the belief of this essay. This political interest is here defined as freedom from discrimination and violence against women. In order to see if this interest is present in local policy it is transformed into variables concerning whether the local authority has an equality plan, supports a local shelter for abused women and by how much money it supports women's shelter.

We have investigated the visual representation of men and women in Aftonbladet?s weight site. We have made a calculation of how many of the women and the men who were portrayed smiling/ not smiling, active/passive, looking into the camera/looking away from the camera and from which camera angle the picture is taken. We also kept statistic on the gender representation of the authors of the articles.Our investigation shows that Aftonbladet?s weight site has a distinct overrepresentation of women on their pictures, but also in terms of the authors of the articles.

ABSTRACT Essay in political science, C-level by Chris Baldebo spring semester 2010. Tutor: Arne Larsson. ?Women?s conditions in municipal politics in the municipality of Karlstad - Six politicians tell?.  The purpose of this paper is to explore women?s conditions in the municipal political work in the municipality of Karlstad.

In the beginning of this century United Nations expressed their concern about the lack of female participation in politics through a number of resolutions and conventions. To ensure sustainable development and democracy, United Nations argued the importance of women?s participation in every level of politics within a state.Burma is a country that is in the middle of an ongoing democratization process and women are not considered to participate in this process. The purpose of this thesis is therefore to analyze the experience of politically involved Burmese women in their political participation progress.This study has been realized through semi-structured interviews with nine Burmese women, in both Thailand and Burma. The questions that have been asked are about what societal and cultural barriers women meet when they are, or want to be, political involved, both from the society and within their own political organizations.

Background: Female representation on boards is an ongoing debate. The European Parliament voted in November 2013 in favour of a proposal that it should be at least 40 percent women on company boards by 2020. Jens Spendrup, president of the Confederation of Swedish Enterprise, was interviewed on Swedish Radio in February 2014 and stated that there are not enough qualified women to recruit to the company boards. The listed companies in Sweden only have 22 percent of women in their company boards and given Jens Spendrup?s statement should they have difficulty reaching up to 40 percent by 2020.

Who is the most typical woman in ELLE Sweden (2013)? In this study we investigated the typical woman represented in the Swedish fashion magazine ELLE (2013) for women. Does a typical woman exist in the magazine at all and if so ? in what words and roles is she described in? How is this woman perceived in relation to the male gender? Based on the theory of constructionism; that the gender (i.e. What is female versus male) is constructed in the society and that media has an affect on our physical and psychological well being as well as our behavior and thoughts, the investigation of the female gender representation in women magazines, was of great importance to us.