Frågan om skatteavdrag för hushållsnära tjänster har under två decennier debatterats i Sverige. År 2007 genomförde den nytillträdda borgerliga regeringen en sådan reform, delvis med argumentationen att det skulle leda till ökad jämställdhet mellan kvinnor och män. Med hjälp av ideologikritisk metod undersöker uppsatsen vilka underliggande föreställningar om jämställdhet och vilka föreställningar om tänkta köpare och säljare av hushållstjänster som uttrycktes i denna argumentation, samt hur den statliga jämställdhetsmyndigheten JämO förhöll sig till förslaget. Med utgångspunkt i materialistisk feminism och ett intersektionellt perspektiv diskuteras vilka brister och inneboende motsättningar den svenska, hegemoniska jämställdhetsideologin innehar, när den ska appliceras på en verklighet där maktstrukturer baserade på klass, kön och etnicitet samspelar. Detta exemplifieras i uppsatsen genom reformen med skatteavdrag för hushållstjänster..

The Swedish working-class author Ivar Lo-Johansson (1901-1990) wrote a collection of one hundred short stories between the years 1968-1972. His other productions, generally speaking, have partially different social reform purposes, but, according to himself, these short stories were written with the intention to be totally free of tendencies (even though he himself doubted that he succeeded with this).During the same period that these short stories were published, the Swedish social democrats were under the challenge of radical movements that, mainly on the radical left?s ideological foundation, had a relatively strong influence in Sweden, among other countries, from the mid 1960?s to the late 1970?s. Since Lo-Johansson mainly seemed to have supported the politics of the social democrats, the purpose of the investigation in this thesis has been to see if he ? in the three short stories: Vikingakärlek (1970), Rikslögnaren (1971) and Ansgars resa till Sverige (1972) ? is conveying an ideological use of history and basic political values that were used by the social democratic party during this time period.

The focus of this thesis is upon how conceptions of globalization is created by the labour-organizations Lands-organisationen (LO) and Svenskt Näringsliv. It is possible to discern two arguments for globalization in the texts, economy and democracy, and it is around these that the discourses of globalization are being constructed. Economy turns into a basic logic in the discourses of globalization. How to perceive the role of economy, as positive or negative, differs. Still, there is an agreement of the influence of economy.

A large part of the Iranian population resented the west, in particular USA and Great Britain, during the Islamic revolution in Iran 1979. The people were also resenting the adverse effects of the trumped up frame made in Iran. The last shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was detested by many in Iran for its west-oriented regime. The resentment among many Iranians is a consequence of the violations of e.g. the lack of political and civil rights, there were no existing legal security in the society, there were no economic distribution and the regime of Mohammad Reza Shah violated the human rights.The resolution from an Iranian perspective for riot is not new, during the last centuries the abomination against the despotic kings have been existing varyingly and big riots have been raised.  The Islamic revolution in 1979 was new because the revolution added adverse effects of west, the population detested west and expressed it by protesting through demonstration.  The significance of the revolution in 1979 was also attributable to Islam.

This study examines how yoga is presented in a Swedish journal called Sökaren. Sweden is often presented as one of the most secular states in the world, and for that reason it is interesting to examine the Swedish way of religiosity by looking, in this case, at the depiction of yoga. I compare two periods of time, the first one from 1964 to 1974 and the latter from 1998 to 2008. I will thereby be able to examine tendencies and changes in the presentation of yoga. For a further understanding of the context around the elected periods this study introduces religiosity in Swedish society, such as Christianity and the New Age movement.

The thought behind this bachelor essay regarding gender and rhetorical feminist criticism developed years ago out of the fact that I read just a little too many dirty chick lit-pockets as a teen. Those chick lit-pockets were my first introduction to sex, to gender roles, to how men and women react and are supposed to react to each other and, in some sense, even to feminism. Those chick lit-pockets, later turning into hardcore Harlequin-books, became my benchmark when I started to contemplate the fact that this is a man?s world, produced and reproduced by a male gaze which influences everything from sex, porn, advertising, gender roles, jobs and payment to dirty pockets for teenage girls.The essays aims to show how the male gaze-phenomenon could be to use for the rhetoric discipline: first combined with other rhetorical theories as a way to analyze and understand gender and objectification. The main question asked; How to put the male gaze on a rhetorical leash? This bachelor essay consists of a qualitative literature study focusing on four articles and one book in which five different male gaze-perspective appears.

Titel Feminismen har sp årat ur: En retorisk analys av Fittstim - min kampFörfattare Jennifer Marin Hummelin & Kristina SandinKurs Examensarbete i medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, Göteborgs universitetTermin Vårterminen 2014Handledare Gabriella SandstigSidantal 60 (inklusive bilagor)Antal ord 19 834Syfte Att studera hur argumentationen ser ut i avsnittet Har feminismen spårat ur? i Sveriges Televisions programserie Fittstim - min kamp.Metod En retorisk analys.Material Första avsnittet i programserien Fittstim - min kamp.Huvudresultat Avsnittet driver tesen att feminismen har spårat ur. Till stöd för tesen argumenteras det för att dagens feminism är medial, splittrad, extrem och onödig. Intervjupersonerna stödjer argumentationensom i huvudsak sker implicit. Avsnittet appellerar främst till tittarens känslor, snarare än till hens förnuft.

Since Africa?s decolonization a number of foreign economic actors have begun toemerge in several African countries and they prove a vital role in many ways. China isone of the largest actor and they have a long history of political and economic ties withAfrica. China act primarily in Africa to meet their growing economy?s demand fornatural resources, and by providing aid and trade with development countries in Africathey get important natural resources like oil and iron ore in return.

This thesis analyzes contemporary Swedish discourse on Russia, i.e. the ways Russia and Russians are perceived in Sweden today. After a summary of historical Western and Swedish perceptions of Russia, and a discussion about the treatment of these tensions within modern research, contemporary Swedish discourse is reconstructed based upon analytical articles in three major newspapers during the period 1992-2007. It is argued that the prevailing image of Russia contains the reproduction of old stereotypes and prejudices. The five major representations of Russia in contemporary Swedish discourse are: non-Western, unreliable, authoritarian, threatening and eternal, with the last one being a meta-representation functioning both as a representation of its own and a mechanism for the reification of the others.

Uppsatsen utgår från frågan hur David Mamets pjäs Oleanna kunde tolkas så radikalt annorlunda vid sin  svenska premiär på Kungliga Dramatiska Teatern 1994 jämfört med vid sin urpremiär i New York ett drygt år tidigare. I USA uppfattades Oleanna allmänt som en varning för hämndlysten feminism och för faran med överdriven politisk korrekthet, och debatten kom att gälla huruvida denna varning var befogad eller bara reaktionär och dum. I Sverige sågs den tvärtom som en kritisk genomlysning av patriarkala strukturer. Uppsatsen söker svaret i en kombination av inom- och utomtextuella faktorer och innehåller därför både en receptionsanalytisk del och en närläsning av dramat. I receptionsanalysen jämförs pjäsens mottagande i USA och Sverige och sätts i relation till respektive samhälles offentliga samtal om feminism och identitetspolitik.

This study examined by content analysis and semiotic picture analysis how gender equal the UK newspaper The Times, the U.S/Iranian nespaper Iran Times International and Swedish newspaper Svenska Dagbladet were May 1st 2009 and May 8th 2009. The study had a foundation of feminist theory about patriarchy and gender theory with a contribution of research about race and its impact on patriarchy.None of the three papers were fully gender equal. Even though Svenska Dagbladet was found to be the most gender equal when it came to the number of women represented all of the newspapers examined showed patriachal structures since women more often than men were described as victimes, trivialized, incompetent and inferior.  People with a race other than white were in minority but patriarchy seems to be a stronger form of oppression than racism. White men were in majority and were less opressed than other groups and were because of that most in favour of the newspapers symbolic powers..

A large part of the Iranian population resented the west, in particular USA and Great Britain, during the Islamic revolution in Iran 1979. The people were also resenting the adverse effects of the trumped up frame made in Iran. The last shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was detested by many in Iran for its west-oriented regime. The resentment among many Iranians is a consequence of the violations of e.g. the lack of political and civil rights, there were no existing legal security in the society, there were no economic distribution and the regime of Mohammad Reza Shah violated the human rights.The resolution from an Iranian perspective for riot is not new, during the last centuries the abomination against the despotic kings have been existing varyingly and big riots have been raised.  The Islamic revolution in 1979 was new because the revolution added adverse effects of west, the population detested west and expressed it by protesting through demonstration.  The significance of the revolution in 1979 was also attributable to Islam.

The purpose of this C-essay within the subject of religion is to form a notion as to how the attitudes towards women and their position in a theoretical biblical society might have been perceived, based upon a select number of texts from the first five books of the Bible (the Pentateuch).Since this essay was written under the framework of the teacher education programme, it is also integrated with the pedagogy subject. This manifests itself with the didactic reflection at the end of this essay, where I try to relate the subject of this essay to the teaching profession.The material, which consists of excerpts from the first and second chapters of Genesis, and aselection of the laws in the first five books of the Bible (from Genesis to Deuteronomy), wasanalysed according to an ideological model, where themes and patterns have been more important than specific word choices.The analysis showed that the views on women vary depending on who writes and who interprets a specific text extract, and the conclusion was that since laws reflect the society it is likely that they were created to improve women's status to make it as equal to the man's as possible.The didactic reflection offers suggestions for lesson plans on the themes gender, feminism andfeministic theology..

The aim of this thesis has been to discuss whether remainders of colonial influences exist within the UN's definition of torture or not. The discussion has been presented from a postcolonial point of view, in dialogue with contemporary power critical theorists. In order to raise awareness of a potential colonial influence, the following questions were intended to be answered:?                                        Are there any reasons, if so ? which ones, to regard the UN's definition of torture as a colonial project? And;?                                        To what extent is the term ?inhumane? limiting for the prohibition against torture from a postcolonial perspective?One of the most central arguments of the chosen theories is that the term ?inhumane? evokes prejudices that a racializing apparatus within the social norms of the UN automatically produces. These prejudices are, according to the theorists, influenced by images of people in non-western and non-secular (especially muslim) societies as more prone to exercise ?violence? and ?cruelty? towards their own citizens as well as towards the population of the world in general.

The formation of sovereign states in regional blocks has become an essential feature in the world system. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to investigate which motives and driving forces that affect the creation of projects of regional integration outside Europe and the Western World. By choosing the Latin American project of integration ALBA (the Bolivarian Alliance of the Americas) as a case of regional integration outside Europe and the Western World, the study investigates the motives expressed by the most prominent actors of the project, Venezuela and Cuba. ALBA is chosen as a representative and a unique case and through the consumption of the gramscian and the realist approaches, the essay defines two motives that affect the creation of projects of regional integration. As a way of investigating the actors? motives, the paper studies political statements, especially those of the Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez, and official positions expressed in central documents and declarations.